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221.
222.
论经济危机下竞争政策和产业政策的协调——兼评我国十大产业调整和振兴规划 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
孟繁盛 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2010,25(2):22-28
2008年8月,《中华人民共和国反垄断法》(以下简称“反垄断法”)开始实施,我国竞争法体系初步形成,此时正是竞争政策发展的重要时机。经济危机全面爆发后,我国先是宣布四万亿救市计划,又先后颁布了各重点产业振兴规划。竞争政策与产业政策如何协调本就是一热点话题,如今在经济危机的背景之下,更是难以作出决断。竞争政策与产业政策既存在共同的最终价值目标,相互影响,又存在不同的具体目标和作用机制。以美国和日本在经济危机时的对策为借鉴,我国目前应实施积极的产业政策,竞争政策应适当放松,但其优先地位不可动摇。 相似文献
223.
南满洲铁道株式会社对中国的经济掠夺,是以股份公司的形式作为伪装,执行日本帝国主义侵略掠夺中国的对外政策。"满铁"依靠特权建立起一个超乎中国主权和法律之上的"满铁王国",构成了日本国家资本为主导,日本产业托拉斯和中小私人资本为辅助的经济体系。"满铁"通过这套经济体系,利用显性和隐性两种方式对我国进行经济掠夺、政治扩张、文化渗透,对中国的经济结构和民族工业造成了异常严重的破坏。 相似文献
224.
本文在总结2011年广西北部湾经济区开放合作成就的基础上,展望2012年开放合作发展前景。展望未来,广西北部湾经济区将充分发挥优势,不断深化与拓展面向东盟国家的开放合作。 相似文献
225.
在中国—东盟合作的背景下,广西北部湾经济区的建设和发展需要高层次法律人才提供智力支持和保障。本文对高层次法律人才的概念、种类和特征、中国—东盟合作背景下广西北部湾经济区高层次法律人才应该具备的素质、广西北部湾经济区的建设和发展需要高层次法律人才、广西北部湾经济区构建高层次法律人才体系的举措等方面进行了研究。 相似文献
226.
在中国—东盟自由贸易区建成后新的合作起点上,中国与东盟亟须另辟蹊径,拓展、深化和提升投资合作的形式、内容和效果,在更高层次、更高水平上实现互利共赢、共同发展,而共建经贸合作区就是实现这一目标的现实路径。本文通过对各类多双边合作共建经贸合作区进行研析,探讨部分先行合作区的成功经验,并提出了加强在编制发展规划、优化发展环境、建立协作机制、引导企业入驻、做好宣传推介、多渠道筹措资金等方面的合作建议。 相似文献
227.
Catherine Jasserand 《Computer Law & Security Report》2018,34(1):154-165
Access by law enforcement authorities to personal data initially collected by private parties for commercial or operational purposes is very common, as shown by the transparency reports of new technology companies on law enforcement requests. From a data protection perspective, the scenario of law enforcement access is not necessarily well taken into account. The adoption of the new data protection framework offers the opportunity to assess whether the new ‘police’ Directive, which regulates the processing of personal data for law enforcement purposes, offers sufficient safeguards to individuals. To make this assessment, provisions contained in Directive 2016/680 are tested against the standards established by the ECJ in Digital Rights Ireland and Tele2 Sverige on the retention of data and their further access and use by police authorities. The analysis reveals that Directive 2016/680 does not contain the safeguards identified in the case law. The paper further assesses the role and efficiency of the principle of purpose limitation as a safeguard against repurposing in a law enforcement context. Last, solutions to overcome the shortcomings of Directive 2016/680 are examined in conclusion. 相似文献
228.
David Barrett 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2018,40(1):57-77
AbstractThe UK has extremely high levels of socio-economic inequality, which are predicted to rise over the next five years. Traditionally, equality law was seen as inappropriate to address socio-economic inequality but in the last decade, a growing number of equality duties have been introduced to address this persistent form of inequality. There is, however, little research on the principles that underpin these duties. This article seeks to address this gap through the use of data from interviews conducted with primary school personnel implementing the pupil premium. The article explores understandings of socio-economic inequality by individuals in schools; policy conflicts; the wider context of action to address socio-economic inequality; different decision-making processes; and accountability mechanisms. On the basis of the findings of this study, broad principles are outlined to inform the design, implementation and enforcement of socio-economic equality duties in the future. 相似文献
229.
Capitalism has led to the appropriation of oppressed groups, their experiences and narratives. We believe this includes narratives and given value of the dead where there remains a continuation of inequalities of life unto death and being dead. Specifically, we suggest that the discrepancy of the value of the dead is the result of the links between power, politics, and hegemonic discourse embedded in neoliberalism that propagate and reify unequal power edifices that value some groups over others, in life and death, what we refer to as mortuuspolitics. The State, entrenched within the capitalistic neoliberal definition of value, also decides on the value or non-value of the dead. 相似文献
230.
Choong Pui Yee 《圆桌》2013,102(6):549-556
AbstractSince the 2008 Malaysian general election the Chinese vote has swung overwhelmingly to the opposition, and this trend has continued in the 2013 general election. When announcing the results of the 2013 general election, Prime Minister Najib labelled it as a ‘Chinese tsunami’. Taking the case of Kepong, this article attempts to explain the reasons for the urban Chinese voters’ continuing support for the Democratic Action Party. 相似文献