评罗莎·卢森堡对苏维埃政权的批评

罗莎·卢森堡高度肯定十月革命,但对新生的苏维埃政权提出了以下六方面的批评:批评苏维埃政权把土地分给农民,从而为以后的社会主义改造设置了障碍;批评苏维埃政权片面地实行民族自决权,从而把刀子送到了敌人的手里;批评苏维埃政权解散立宪会议,从而堵塞了人民群众的积极的政治生活;批评苏维埃政权推行空想的普选权,从而使之成了一种缺乏生命力的临时凑合的"一纸空文";批评苏维埃政权取消出版自由、结社和集会的权利,从而引起公共生活的野蛮化;批评苏维埃政权把民主与专政对立起来,从而远离了社会主义.尽管罗莎·卢森堡差不多是在90多年前提出这些警示性见解的,但是所有这些见解,人们至今读起来还是感到如此具有现实感,并得到深刻的启示.     

The role of ASEAN institutes of strategic and international studies in developing security cooperation in the Asia‐pacific region

As the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) governments are facing new challenges, the need to re‐evaluate the significance of the track‐two activities has been recognised. As there has been insufficient research on the ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS), this article analyses their role in the development of security cooperation. It shows that ASEAN‐ISIS has contributed to the establishment of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) by analysing the common/cooperative security thinking, the establishment of an inter‐governmental forum for a security dialogue, and the extension of ASEAN's diplomatic style over a larger geographical area. As ASEAN‐ISIS has contributed to inter‐governmental cooperation by promoting ideas, this article concludes that the significance of their activities in contemporary Asian politics should be understood in terms of the introduction and promotion of such innovative ideas.     

Transforming international communications strategies

The strategy used by governments to communicate with foreign populations has changed dramatically in the twentieth century. The need perceived by governments to use such a strategy in the first place derived from numerous social changes in the 150 years before World War I, most particularly the increased role played in politics by the masses organized in nation‐states. The shifting strategy of persuasive communication since then forms part of a broader transformation of international political communication which includes technological change, organizational developments, and absolute but not necessarily relative growth in international communications transactions.

The predominant strategy developed in World War I was propaganda. It used fairly straightforward appeals to rationality, sense of morality, and such important but readily accessible emotions as hatred. Its excesses, especially the wide dissemination of atrocity stories which did not bear up well under later dispassionate examination, at once made all propaganda suspect and alerted governments to the necessity of refining their communicative techniques for the eventuality of future international conflicts.

The years before and during World War II saw international communicators—especially Goebbels in Nazi Germany and the Anglo‐American psychological warriors—develop a new strategy which utilized new knowledge about the psychological roots of human behavior. In addition to straightforward appeals to the consciousness of individuals, they sought to manipulate their audiences by playing on their deep‐seated desires and fears. Of particular importance for Nazi Germany were the allegedly racial ties of the individual to a people and the need for figures of authority.

First major experiments were made in World War II to develop an even more basic strategy of international communication: structuring the situation in which people learn their predispositions, perspectives, and behaviors. Its basic idea is to create situations in which the communicator does not have to tell the targeted audience anything at all, but in which the audience, left to its own devices, can only come to the conclusions desired by the communicator. Thus strategic bombing sought to destroy the morale of the enemy's home front and, through that action, to weaken its war‐making capacity. The postwar occupation of Germany originally sought to create a new environment in which Germans could be reeducated to democracy. Subsequent emphasis has also been on communications aimed at generating certain predispositions, such as a desire for consumer goods or a particular political style, which then spawn appropriate perspectives and behaviors.

This new strategy of structural communication has its limits. The most important of these is the difficulty of controlling all aspects of a foreign population's communications environment (which includes traditions, face‐to‐face networks, and conflicting sources of information). The potential importance of the strategy nonetheless makes it likely that governments will continue to work toward its development and implementation for their own international political purposes.     

泰国:2011～2012年回顾与展望

2011年7月,泰国提前举行大选,为泰党赢得选举并联合小党派组建联合政府。前总理他信的妹妹、为泰党候选人英拉·西那瓦当选泰国第28任总理,也是泰国历史上首位女总理。由于特大洪灾的影响,2011年泰国经济增长速度低于预期,新政府执政能力也经受考验。外交方面,泰柬边境冲突成为泰国本年度重要的外交事件,但两国关系随着英拉政府上台而开始出现缓和。     

破坏选举罪中“贿选”若干问题刍议

"贿选"行为是当前选举活动中较为突出的问题,是对社会主义民主政治发展的严重破坏,也是破坏选举罪重点打击的行为。实践中,"贿选"行为手段日益多样化和隐蔽化,"贿选"行为在其范围、对象、类型等方面都存在不少疑难,需要予以认真探讨。     

马来西亚政党政治的变化及其走向

巫统一党独大是马来西亚长期以来政党政治的一大特点 ,但是 1999年末马来西亚第 10次大选却表明这种局面正在发生明显的变化 ,这必将对马来西亚的政局产生深远的影响。本文试从马来西亚政党政治变化入手 ,分析变化的成因 ,并对今后一个时期马来西亚政党政治和政局的发展趋势作一展望。     

行动党参加1964年马来西亚大选及其影响

1964年3月1日是新马关系史上的一个重要日期,是新马由磨合转向全面冲突的分水岭。当日,杜进才宣布,行动党要成为一个全国性的政党,参加马来亚大选。虽然杜进才解释说行动党仅是象征性地参加联邦选举,然而这很明显违背了李光耀向东姑作出的郑重承诺：不参加马来亚的选举。行动党宣布参加选举导致其与联盟的关系迅速恶化,并引发了新马潜藏已久的矛盾,也使新马朝向分离迈出了重要一步。     

2014年印尼总统大选出现的新变化及其影响

竞争激烈、备受关注的2014年印尼总统大选最终以政治新星佐科维获胜而落下帷幕。与2004年和2009年两次总统大选相比,2014年印尼总统大选出现了很多新变化,这些新变化使得2014年的总统大选具有划时代意义,载入印尼政治发展史册。不过,印尼首位平民总统佐科维及其政党联盟没有赢得国会多数席位,这为他今后执政带来很大的挑战,他是否有政治魄力克服政治、经济上的挑战,落实他的竞选政纲,还需要拭目以待。     

Issue clarity in electoral competition. Insights from Austria

This paper analyses parties' policy supply in electoral campaigns. In so doing, it proposes to look at issue clarity which is defined as the share of objectively testable pledges within an election manifesto. The main argument states that parties not only decide their positions and issue saliencies, but also the level of specificity with which they present their policies. The data come from Austria (1990–2008) and, thus, provide a good example for a Western European multi-party system with proportional representation. The analyses show that extreme parties present manifestos with higher issue clarity compared to moderate parties. Furthermore, this result is strengthened by a party's role in government. Issue ownership, however, seems to have no effect on issue clarity.     

选举权上的差别对待和农民的“国民待遇”——兼论《选举法》再次修改的必要性

农业人口选举权是城市居民的1/4,这是他们的人均收入不足城市居民的1/4、政府对基层农村卫生经费投入人均不到城市的1/4,以及农民在其他方面长期没有享受到“国民待遇”的重要原因之一。而要给农民以“国民待遇”,必须重视选举权对改变农民弱势地位的重要作用,同时相信中国农民的民主能力。在将来再次修订《选举法》时,凡是对农业人口有歧视规定的条文,都在必要修改之列。