Coalition Politics in India: 2004–2009

Abstract

It is posited here that the coalition imperative of holding the alliances together just to keep in office leads to behavior that is not altogether ethically acceptable. This is not to say that all coalitions are bad by definition; they are not. The issue is: how many partners and what the minimum understanding among them are ideal to run the government? It is suggested that a large and unprincipled coalition on the one hand would debilitate a government, and on the other lead to political corruption and even blackmail. Contrarily, a smaller number of parties with some affinity in ideology and a common purpose would be beneficial for a stable democracy. To glean some insights, the United Progressive Alliance coalitions cobbled together by the Congress Party Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2004, and consequent to the 2009 elections, are studied here.     

The nationalisation of electoral politics: A conceptual reconstruction and review of the literature

This article revisits the theory of the nationalisation of electoral politics from both a conceptual and a methodological perspective. Presenting and evaluating this theory through a critical analysis of the major works, the article focuses on the analytical utility and the theoretical interest of such a re‐examination, and provides a new conceptual and operational definition of this political phenomenon. The concept of nationalisation is discussed in regard to three electoral dimensions: homogeneity of support; uniform swing; and responses to national factors. Combining these three dimensions, the article provides a typology of the different forms of nationalisation, explores the possibilities of its analytical application, and tries to establish the extent to which the operational definition of nationalisation corresponds to the conceptual and theoretical definition.     

How to Win a Lost Election: Malapportionment and Malaysia’s 2013 General Election

Abstract

Allegations of electoral irregularities loomed large prior to and following Malaysia’s 13th general election in May 2013. Yet while these irregularities elicited strong reactions domestically and internationally, they are unlikely to have played a significant role in shaping the election’s outcome. Rather than how the game was played, it was the very rules of the game itself that were responsible for returning the United Malays National Organization and its Barisan Nasional coalition to power for the 13th consecutive time, as Malaysia’s electoral institutions quietly transformed the incumbent coalition’s 4% deficit in the popular vote into a 20% winning margin of parliamentary seats. This is largely the result of substantial variation in the size of electoral districts, which had the effect of delivering parliamentary seats to Barisan Nasional with significantly fewer votes than were required by the opposition to secure its seats. This article has two primary aims. First, it seeks to understand better malapportionment in Malaysia by examining the degree of distortions at multiple institutional levels. It demonstrates these distortions to be exceptionally high from a comparative perspective. Second, it seeks to understand better the factors responsible for the size variation of electoral districts, specifically the extent to which the non-partisan factors stipulated in the constitution can explain the variation. Several tests are conducted using new data on the density of voters in electoral districts. The results strongly indicate a partisan element to malapportionment. This creates an institutionalized bias against the opposition and risks increasing polarization in the Malaysian polity.     

2011年越南政治、经济与外交综述

2011年,越南在政治、经济、外交等各个方面都有不少值得关注的重要事件。越南召开了越共十一届党代会,进行了第十三届国会选举。在2011年里,越南完成了预定的经济计划,但仍面临诸多重大挑战。这些挑战构成了越南实现经济可持续发展的障碍。越南在外交方面注重与东南亚地区内外国家发展外交关系,其中尤为注重发展军事交往关系,积极参与国际事务,力图以此提高国际地位。但如何解决与邻国关系问题,已成为越南保持稳定的国际环境的关键因素。     

论村委会选举中的违法行政行为及其法律规制——兼谈农民选举权利的保障与救济

村民选举权利是宪法规定的村民自治权的一种,但在选举实践中这一权利常常受到行政机关及其工作人员违法行政行为的侵害。现行法律对违法行政行为侵害村民选举权利如何救济的规定极不完善,应当通过建立和完善村委会选举的诉讼救济、行政复议救济、信访救济、行政处分救济以及人大的监督救济等制度增强对村民行使选举权的保障。     

我国选举法修改中的问题与反思

选举法历来是关乎民主和法治最重要的法律之一,选举是一国民主和法治的标尺。我国立法机关理应全面审查现行选举法中存在的缺陷,进行全面的修改。     

人大代表直接选举中把关实体间的位序关系

目前县乡人大代表直接选举中的把关实体涵盖执政党、相关政治法典、政治流程及技术体系、选区及选民等几个方面,把关对象即人大代表.诸把关实体之间的现有位序关系还不能体现选区和选民利益优先的原则,因此,代表还很难以选民的利益作为履职的根本依据,这在某种程度上阻隔了民意上升的渠道,使人大机关没有充分发挥民意代理的应有功能.为了改变这种状况,就要认真清理各把关实体间的位序关系,最终使它们都能以选民的利益为本,体现公民授权与代议民主的政治原则.     

萧公权的宪政观——《宪政与民主》评述

萧公权先生写于民国年间的诸多政论,于宪政四要素法治、自由、民主、分权中更为青睐民主与法治,主张民治为体,法治为用。萧氏晚年愈加趋向保守,若以对待传统、历史进步论以及宪政建构的路径依赖为区分,其可谓一个中国特色的古典宪政主义者。     

流动票箱：村民选举的一种现时性选择

通过对苏南农村村民自治状况的实证研究 ,得出一个结论 ,即当前苏南农村基层正在推行的民主选举方式———流动票箱制度 ,是一种现时性的村民选举方式 ,其现时性主要取决于村民的经济利益、权利意识、自组织能力、村民选举委员会动员能力等因素。流动票箱制度在选举过程中存在持箱人的确定、持箱人对划票过程的可能影响等问题 ,以及潜在着剥夺村民进行集中讨论、在公共场所进行公开选举等隐患 ,因此建议 :发展和完善社会主义市场经济 ;加快政治体制改革 ;进一步完备法律体制     

城市社区民主自治的条件与机制

城市社区建设的基本目标是民主自治,这一机制的实现条件包括如下几点:民主的选举、充足的资源、健全的规章制度、政府的支持及能干的社区领导者;同时实现目标还需要创新机制,这些机制至少应包括资源获得机制、社区参与机制、社区工作机制、社区意识的整合机制、监督机制和激励机制等。此外,为更好实现民主自治,还有三个问题值得进一步思考,如街道与社区的关系、鼓励与社区的关系,以及社区主任与社区工作成效的关系等等。