全文获取类型
收费全文 | 256篇 |
免费 | 1篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 25篇 |
工人农民 | 6篇 |
世界政治 | 16篇 |
外交国际关系 | 18篇 |
法律 | 30篇 |
中国共产党 | 3篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 109篇 |
综合类 | 39篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 15篇 |
2020年 | 10篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 4篇 |
2017年 | 7篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 34篇 |
2012年 | 20篇 |
2011年 | 25篇 |
2010年 | 20篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 9篇 |
2005年 | 12篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有257条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
11.
The most common method of tabulating election results around the world is manually compiling paper forms at the local level. Recent election disputes in developing democracies, particularly in Africa, have centered on irregularities observed on these forms. However, scholars do not yet have a good understanding of the distribution of these irregularities, nor of their relationship to systematic fraud. In this paper, we theorize a catalog of irregularities that goes beyond simple vote tally editing. We use deep neural networks to identify these irregularities on forms from about 30,000 polling stations in Kenya’s 2013 presidential election. We find that although irregularities manifest differently in government and opposition strongholds, they do not correlate with election outcomes, and they are unaffected by the presence of electoral observers. Taken together, our findings suggest scholars of election integrity should pay greater attention to problems of benign human error and overtaxed bureaucrats. 相似文献
12.
Concurrent elections are widely used to increase turnout. We theorize and show empirically how concurrency affects electoral outcomes. First, concurrency increases turnout and thereby the participation of peripheral voters. Second, in combined elections, one electoral arena affects the other. In our case of majoritarian executive elections concurrent to proportional representation (PR) legislative elections, the centripetal tendency of majoritarian elections colors off to the concurrent PR race. Third, concurrency also entails spillovers of the incumbency advantage of executive officeholders to the concurrent legislative race. Drawing on quasi-random variation in local election timing in Germany, we show that concurrency increases turnout as well as council votes for the incumbent mayor's party and centrist parties more generally, with slightly more pronounced gains for the political left. As a consequence, concurrent elections consolidate party systems and political power by leading to less fragmented municipal councils and more unified local governments. 相似文献
13.
Political parties in parliamentary democracies have increasingly democratized their leadership selection processes, incorporating the votes of party members. Despite generating numerous headlines, there has been a relative dearth of cross-national scholarly work on the electoral effects of selectorate expansion and the causal mechanisms behind them. This study fills this gap in the literature. Using observational data from eleven parliamentary democracies, we show that parties using membership selection can expect a polling boost when compared to those using more exclusive mechanisms. However, membership selection does not affect electoral performance. Nevertheless, our crossnational analyses and results from a survey experiment from Australia suggest that incorporating members generates excitement, demonstrates an openness to new ideas, and can be a signal of leader work ethic and a commitment to the democratic process, increasing leader legitimacy. We discuss the disconnect between these positive evaluations and the lack of electoral effects, and suggest possible strategies for parties to improve their electoral standing. 相似文献
14.
Researchers have increasingly paid attention to the impact that the administrative component of elections has on voter behavior. Existing research has focused almost exclusively on the effect that legal changes--such as voter identification laws--have on turnout. This paper extends our understanding of the electoral process by exploring how one aspect of the precinct experience--standing in line to vote--can shape the turnout behavior of voters in subsequent elections. I demonstrate that for every additional hour a voter waits in line to vote, their probability of voting in the subsequent election drops by 1 percentage point. To arrive at these estimates, I analyze vote history files using a combination of exact matching and placebo tests to test the identification assumptions. I then leverage an unusual institutional arrangement in the City of Boston and longitudinal data from Florida to show that the result also holds at the precinct level. The findings in this paper have important policy implications for administrative changes that may impact line length, such as voter identification requirements and precinct consolidation. They also suggest that racial asymmetries in precinct wait times contribute to the gap in turnout rates between white and non-white voters. 相似文献
15.
马桂平 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2005,3(2):108-110
思想道德教育关系到青年学生自身价值的实现,是树立科学发展观,实现以人为本,建立和谐社会的关键.在德育教育中,恰当的先进典型教育,有利于增强青年学生建设社会主义精神文明,实现和谐社会的信心,有利于在全社会形成崇尚先进、学习先进的良好风气. 相似文献
16.
论禁毒情报调研成果的评估及利用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
杨郁娟 《云南警官学院学报》2005,(3):28-31
对禁毒情报调查研究的成果进行评估,是对调研获得的情报的内在质量所作的审核、评价,以便更好体现禁毒情报的价值。其评估内容表现在:真实性和有效性;评估方法主要有:分析与综合的方法,归纳与演绎的方法,比较的方法,“人、事、物”联系方法以及提出假设的方法。禁毒情报调研成果的利用主要是:为社会治安综合治理提供依据;为制定打击、预防毒品违法犯罪对策提供依据等七个方面。 相似文献
17.
This article analyses the successful Conservative election campaign of 2019 and how it took advantage of a fractured political and economic landscape. It reviews the unique circumstances around the 2019 election and the ‘surprising death’ of a no-deal Brexit. We then analyse the divergent political communication strategies in the 2017 and 2019 Conservative campaigns showing how the latter was much more coherent and politically unorthodox. Drawing on socioeconomic, demographic and British Election Study data, we argue that Boris Johnson’s messaging was carefully tailored towards the demands of voters in the ‘red wall’ seats. Conservative success was built around an appeal to voters in these economically depressed ‘geographies of discontent’. But while tremendously successful, the coalition this created is potentially fragile. An unconventional, ‘leftish’ Conservative campaign built a new, diverse bloc of voters. It includes a number of left-wingers expecting change alongside traditional Conservative supporters, and will be hard to keep together given the economic turbulence ahead. 相似文献
18.
Contemporary research on electoral integrity has focused on the functioning, evaluation, and legitimacy of electoral processes in emerging democracies. By contrast, this study investigates whether a failed election in a well-established democracy can affect individuals' evaluations of the electoral management body, the Election Authority, and whether those evaluations affect satisfaction with democracy. Using the case of a Swedish regional election in 2010 that had to be rerun due to procedural mistakes in the vote handling, we found that, in the short term, individuals’ confidence in the Election Authority was reduced after it was announced that the election had to be rerun because of the mistakes. Subsequently, this decreased confidence was strongly associated with less satisfaction with democracy at the regional and national level. As good news for the authority, after a successful rerun election, confidence rebounded to the levels prior to the failed election. 相似文献
19.
20.
危害结果在很大程度上反映出行为社会危害性的大小,在我国死刑裁量中发挥了重要作用。危害结果在很多情况下是作为酌定量刑情节的形态存在的,其对于死刑的限制适用具有重要意义。充分发挥危害结果情节在限制死刑适用中的作用,应当力戒死刑适用“唯后果论”的倾向;物质性的危害结果不是特别严重的,可以不判处死刑立即执行;危害结果的发生系存在介入因素的场合,应当慎用死刑立即执行。 相似文献