略论中国共产党的民族理论创新及其重大成果

中国共产党成立90周年以来,立足统一多民族国家的基本国情,致力把马克思主义民族理论与本国民族实际相结合,在解决国内民族问题的实践中,不断推进马克思主义民族理论中国化,取得了理论创新的两大重要成果,即毛泽东民族思想和中国特色社会主义民族理论,构成中国化马克思主义民族理论的科学体系。党的民族理论创新成果不仅具有鲜明的中国特色,契合了中国革命、建设、改革各个历史时期的时代特点,而且显示了一脉相承、与时俱进、开拓创新的理论品格。     

关于提高思想政治工作实效性的思考

在我国逐步实行市场经济的今天,人们普遍注重经济利益,要加强和改进思想政治工作,必须探索新的形式,提高思想政治工作的实效性。     

国家安全学基础理论框架构建研究

国家安全学基础理论的构建是国家安全学学科建设的重要组成部分,缺乏国家安全学基础理论的支撑,国家安全学学科就犹如沙滩上的知识大厦,毫无根基可言。深刻理解国家安全问题的内涵,以国家安全问题为导向,遵循“问题→过程→结果”框架构建国家安全学基础理论,可使国家安全问题、国家安全认知、国家安全体系、国家安全能力、国家安全行为、国家安全极限等内容形成严密的逻辑整体。国家安全学基础理论以国家安全问题为逻辑起点和主线,国家安全问题构成预防和化解国家安全问题的“过程”和实现国家安全的“结果”的前提和保障。在“过程”中,国家安全问题通过国家安全认知、国家安全体系、国家安全能力、国家安全行为等要素的组合及其应用,得到预防和化解。国家安全极限作为国家安全目标实现的“结果”,意味着国家安全是一种相对安全而不是绝对安全,追求绝对安全必然导致安全困境,最终无法实现国家安全的目标。追求共同安全是国家安全极限应有之义。国家安全学基础理论遵循“问题→过程→结果”框架来构建其理论范式不能一蹴而就,需要共同努力,不断深化国家安全学基础理论研究。     

韩国的地方选举和政党参与

以＂宪法＂和＂地方自治法＂为准绳,韩国实行地方自治制度,以团体自治和居民自治相结合的自治模式,由选举产生的各级地方议会、政府具体行使自治权。20世纪50年代,韩国经历了短暂的、不完全的地方自治,之后中断了31年。自20世纪90年代至2010年6月,韩国共举行了5次地方选举。韩国政党通过推荐或支持候选人参与教育监和教育议员以外的地方自治团体首长和地方议员的选举,积极地介入地方自治的整个过程,从另外一个侧面反映出了韩国政党的参政方式和特点。     

韩国政治中的选举活动与党内竞选

韩国于1948年5月10日举行选举,产生了制宪国会,制定了大韩民国宪法并成立了政府,这在韩国历史上具有特殊意义。但与西方建立的普通、平等、直接保密选举的民主式选举制度不同,由于韩国民众缺乏对选举制度的深刻认识,而且权利意识淡薄,因此历届选举均由于执政者的不正当介入,民意被极大歪曲。本文通过对现行选举制度的深层剖析来探讨韩国选举制度存在的问题以及今后面临的课题。     

The political phenotype of the disgust sensitive: Correlates of a new abbreviated measure of disgust sensitivity

The fields of political psychology and election studies often live separate lives. One reason has been the difficulty of including long psychological question batteries in the high-quality, representative samples that are the hallmark of election studies. In this study, we examine a novel one-item measure of psychological differences in sensitivity to one particular emotion: disgust. We demonstrate that disgust sensitivity serves as a foundational political difference that colors a very large range of social and political attitudes and behaviors: including ideology, political engagement, reactions towards outgroups, support for government intervention, behavior during a pandemic, and vote choice.     

A Mountain to Climb: The Labour Together 2019 Election Review

The Labour Together review of the 2019 election brings together polling data, survey data, interviews, and submissions from across the Labour movement. An unpopular leader, tensions around the Brexit position, and a manifesto which was not seen as credible, are all found to have contributed to the scale of the defeat, but Labour’s unexpectedly strong performance in 2017 also masked long-term issues in its connection with the electorate and within the party’s campaign organisation. The report attempts to move beyond simply diagnosing the difficulties the party faces, but some of the thorniest issues for the party to resolve are nonetheless left unresolved.     

If you ask,they will come (to register and vote): Field experiments with state election agencies on encouraging voter registration

We address the frequent critique that voter registration is a barrier to participation in the US. Institutional reforms to voter registration produce only small impacts on participation. We show the registration barrier can be reduced without changing laws or administrative processes using official communication seeking to change individual political behavior. In collaboration with state election agencies in two states, we conducted large-scale field experiments using low cost postcards aimed at increasing registration among eligible but unregistered citizens. The experiments find statistically and substantively significant effects on registration and turnout in subsequent elections. The research partnership with election officials is unusual and important for understanding electoral participation. Further, the population targeted for registration is broader than prior experiments on voter registration in the US. The results provide important insights about voter registration as a barrier to political participation, plus practical guidance for election officials to reduce this barrier.     

Treated politicians,treated voters: A natural experiment on political budget cycles

Although pre-electoral political manipulation of the budget — the political budget cycle (PBC) — has been long investigated by scholars, empirical findings are mixed at best. This is partly because of the non-random nature of election timing. There also exist ongoing debates over how the budget is manipulated for electoral purposes. We address these issues by exploiting a natural experiment in Japan, where the timing of both executive and legislative elections in municipalities is fixed, staggered, and as good as random, and by using the detailed items of the municipal budget. We find that total and capital expenditures follow the PBC, but tax revenue does not. We also find that executive elections are associated with the PBC, but legislative elections are not. Against the conventional wisdom that democratic or developed countries are free from the PBC, our case of Japan offers an intriguing exception.     

Technology Firms Shape Political Communication: The Work of Microsoft,Facebook, Twitter,and Google With Campaigns During the 2016 U.S. Presidential Cycle

This article offers the first analysis of the role that technology companies, specifically Facebook, Twitter, Microsoft, and Google, play in shaping the political communication of electoral campaigns in the United States. We offer an empirical analysis of the work technology firms do around electoral politics through interviews with staffers at these firms and digital and social media directors of 2016 U.S. presidential primary and general election campaigns, in addition to field observations at the 2016 Democratic National Convention. We find that technology firms are motivated to work in the political space for marketing, advertising revenue, and relationship-building in the service of lobbying efforts. To facilitate this, these firms have developed organizational structures and staffing patterns that accord with the partisan nature of American politics. Furthermore, Facebook, Twitter, and Google go beyond promoting their services and facilitating digital advertising buys, actively shaping campaign communication through their close collaboration with political staffers. We show how representatives at these firms serve as quasi-digital consultants to campaigns, shaping digital strategy, content, and execution. Given this, we argue that political communication scholars need to consider social media firms as more active agents in political processes than previously appreciated in the literature.