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181.
在以政府为主导的城市化进程中,土地财政成为了地方政府“经营城市”的重要手段。我国土地财政规模大、比例高,其形成不仅源于地方政府财权、事权不对等和地区之间、官员之间的竞争,究其质里,则是政府实现财政市场目标的行为投射。地方政府融资平台也基于相同的逻辑生成,帮助实现了土地财政的本质——资本化,弥补了地方政府的财政缺额。但是,土地的资本化提高了城市化成本,衍生出异质性,形成了空间与人口的矛盾,积累了凝结在城市中的金融、社会和道德风险,亟需引起重视。  相似文献   
182.
    
Mixed-member proportional electoral systems (MMP) are widely praised because they combine the direct, personal election of MPs from single-seat constituencies with a proportional seat allocation. However, the size of the proportional tier matters for the question of whether the system's overall proportionality is preserved. Hence, a key challenge for constitution-makers and scholars is finding the right balance between district and proportional seats, so as to maximise district representation and guarantee proportional representation.This paper develops the first theoretical model that helps to locate this sweet spot for district and party seats. The novel solution builds on Taagepera's “logical models” about party sizes. The model is tested on 58 national parliamentary elections under MMP rules.  相似文献   
183.
    
When the number of seats to be elected in the districts of an electoral system is not proportional to their population, the cost of seats in raw votes tends to vary across districts. Malapportionment generates partisan bias when some parties do better (worse) in the districts where seats are cheaper (costlier) than in other districts. While existing research has focused on the exogenous determinants of malapportionment, in this article we argue that malapportionment also derives from the strategic decisions of ruling elites to maximize their legislative representation. The degree of malapportionment in newly democratized countries increases when ruling policymakers have reliable ex ante information about the geographical distribution of partisan support, and the authoritarian incumbent, at the moment of democratic transition, is strong. Our arguments are tested with original data from 60 third and fourth-wave democracies at national and district levels.  相似文献   
184.
正当竞争边界的模糊性与商业言论边界的不确定性,决定了不正当竞争规制与商业言论自由之间存在模糊难决的空间。不正当竞争边界的模糊性易导致不正当竞争规制过宽,仅依据不正当竞争法处理有关商业言论行为可能会导致基本权利价值受到损害。商业言论边界的不确定性使得欧美至今未能对商业言论进行准确的界定,也未形成统一的商业言论保护的原则和标准,其仅受到有限保护。不正当竞争规制的宽泛性与商业言论自由的有限性会不可避免地导致二者发生冲突。对此,欧美所进行的立法及实践表明,商业言论自由是有限度的,当商业言论涉及不正当竞争规制时,只有商业言论事关重大社会公共利益时才可能受到宪法保护。其立法和实践显示出法院根据不正当竞争法和宪法进行双重审查的特点,而依据宪法的基本权利价值进行考量是平衡二者冲突的关键之所在。这些立法和实践为我国商业言论保护提供了可资借鉴的经验。  相似文献   
185.
协调性是竞争法律体系的根本属性,对于衡量竞争立法的科学性和竞争执法的有效性具有重要价值。研究竞争法律体系的协调性,可以有效防止和化解竞争法律冲突。竞争法律体系的协调性是由竞争法律调整目标的协调性、竞争法律原则的协调性、调整对象的协调性、法律责任的协调性以及执法体制的协调性所构成的。从应然角度分析,中国竞争法律体系协调化应当具备形式、内容和价值三个要件。  相似文献   
186.
李娥  杨盛达 《政法学刊》2011,28(1):39-44
以法律社会学的三大研究范式即功能主义、自由多元主义和马克思主义的社会观-国家观-法律观之间的主要差异——合作、竞争和冲突——为立论基础,论证了当代中国由马克思主义的冲突观转向功能主义的合作观的必需。依据这种"从冲突走向合作"的新时代法理,结合当代中国国家治理的六个基本法律问题,阐述了如何在关键转型上遵循新法律理性,从基调伦理与宪政改革上建立法理型社会秩序。  相似文献   
187.
We combine the recent literature on issue competition with work on intra-party heterogeneity to advance a novel theoretical argument. Starting from the premise that party leaders and non-leaders have different motivations and incentives, we conjecture that issue strategies should vary across the party hierarchy. We, therefore, expect systematic intra-party differences in the use of riding the wave and issue ownership strategies. We test this claim by linking public opinion data to manually coded information on over 3600 press releases issued by over 500 party actors across five election campaigns in Austria between 2006 and 2019. We account for self-selection into leadership roles by exploiting transitions into and out of leadership status over time. The results show that party leaders are more likely than non-leaders to respond to the public's issue priorities, but not more or less likely to pursue issue-ownership strategies.  相似文献   
188.
台湾政党体系发展趋势探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2009年台湾的县市长选举、2010年初的两次“立委”补选以及年底的“五都”选举表明,民进党的政治实力已经从2008年的低谷回升.鉴于国民党和民进党各有源于不同阶层、不同地域的基本支持者,台湾民众在身份认同、统“独”议题、两岸关系、涉外关系方面存在较明显的“蓝、绿”分野,有理由预料均衡两党体系和政党轮替,将成为岛内的政...  相似文献   
189.
Antitrust authorities in both the United States and Europe have expressed deep concern over settlements of antitrust cases in the pharmaceutical sector, settlements involving "reverse payments" from plaintiffs to defendants, large sums paid by branded pharmaceutical companies to generic competitors in exchange for promises to stay offthe market. Such "pay-for-delay" settlements have proliferated in the United States since Federal Circuit Courts of Appeals have found them unproblematic despite the Federal Trade Commission's persistently strong position that they violate the antitrust laws. These cases arise at the intersection of three statutory regimes seeking to promote innovation, three clusters of doctrine and policy that have interacted only to reach impasse: the Patent Act, the 1984 amendment to the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and finally the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. Antitrust is a late comer to the fierce competition over patented drugs, competition that permeates the approval process in the Food & Drug Administration [FDA], competition that is restrained by these pay-for-delay settlement agreements. To set the stage, we begin with the Patent Act and its relationship to the FDA approval process. The story of pay-for-delay settlements then proceeds to the settlement agreements and their antitrust implications. We conclude that the best solution in these antitrust cases would be adoption of the FTC's approach of presumptive illegality. Together with an amendment proposed to fix the food and drug act, the presumptive illegality of pay-for-delay settlements under the antitrust laws would make the market for pharmaceuticals more price competitive, open weak patents to serious challenge, and as a result save consumers billions of dollars annually without taking from branded drug companies legitimately earned incentives to engage in research and development.  相似文献   
190.
目前我市劳动竞赛呈现的主要特点是:普遍重视了找准劳动竞赛的切入点;与企事业单位中心工作的融入不断深化;竞赛体制进一步得到健全与完善。今后应注重推动劳动竞赛向系统化、专业化、精细化方向发展,进一步突出竞赛过程的科学管理,并将其与全面提高职工整体素质作紧密的结合。  相似文献   
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