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231.
开展竞争性选举是党内民主发展的大势所趋,不容回避。在推动党内民主发展过程中,实行竞争性选举是提高党内民主建设科学化水平的关键。  相似文献   
232.
对企业提取法定公益金相关法律规定的质疑   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
李文伟 《思想战线》2001,27(4):133-135
我国现行的一些法律、法规在税后利润分配,特别是提取公益金方面,对不同类型的企业作出了差异性较大的规定.尽管它们是在特定的历史条件下制定和实施的,对改革开放和经济发展产生过推动作用.然而,在发展市场经济和与世界经济接轨的今天,它们逐步显现出与时代发展的不相适应性,暴露出种种弊端和问题,需要尽快对相关法律进行修订.  相似文献   
233.
误导行为是一种具有严重危害性的不正当竞争行为。市场主体对经济利益的不当追求、社会道德和诚信的缺失、法律缺陷与监管不力等是造成误导行为在我国屡禁不止的原因,应从对误导行为的界定、对误导行为法律责任的重构等方面完善误导行为立法,并通过建立市场主体信用制度、完善监管模式、建立严格的行业管理制度等措施遏制误导行为。  相似文献   
234.
The European Union is currently revising its system of centralised authorisation for agreements between firms falling within the scope of Article 81 (1) of the EC Treaty but qualifying for exemption from the general prohibition. The proposed reform in the 1999 White Paper on Modernisation of the Rules Implementing Articles 81 and 82 of the EC Treaty involves the abolition of the notification and exemption system and its replacement by a directly applicable exception system where restrictive practices qualifying for exemption are lawful per se and subject to abuse control. This paper compares both the current notification system and the proposed system of ex-post control in a game-theoretical framework. If precommitment to an enforcement probability by the antitrust authority is not possible and a mixed equilibrium exists for both systems, the notification system is superior to the system of abuse control in terms of social welfare.  相似文献   
235.
中国粮食的国际贸易形势及策略选择   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
粮食类产品是中国传统贸易商品,进出口规模巨大、波动显著。通过政策的正确调整和市场的自动调节,对于稳定整个农产品的贸易地位,维护国家粮食安全具有重要意义。  相似文献   
236.
中国农业龙头企业必须从转变发展方式、推进农业品牌化、增强企业创新能力和实施走出去战略等方面进行创新,不断增强企业竞争力。  相似文献   
237.
So far we have little by way of a theoretical understanding of the dynamics of electoral competition. This paper attempts to fill some of this gap by studying resource expenditure over the electoral cycle. Among the main results is that, when contributions from donors are independent of support, parties accelerate expenditure during the entire period between elections, even when voters do not forget. If contributions depend on support, and are significant, parties front load expenditure and decelerate.  相似文献   
238.
Abstract

The 2019 parliamentary election in Poland resulted in continuity of the incumbent PiS party-coalition. The election saw, for Poland, an unprecedented turnout of 62%. The 44% support for PiS translated into a 51% majority in the Lower House. The ability of the three opposition blocs (KO, SLD and PSL) to coordinate their political campaign for the upper chamber resulted in their victory – PiS lost the majority in the Senate. This post-2019 period thus starts as parliamentary cohabitation. The preceding four years had witnessed repeated violations of the constitution by the government (including attempts to dismantle the separation of powers and to turn public media into a partisan propaganda machine) accompanied by a general anti-liberal and anti-European stance. The electorates of the two major party-blocks have polarized in terms of their socio-demographic features. The new government does not differ much from the pre-election one, with the same PM and most ministers. The first weeks of its governing indicate that the government’s general as well as sectoral policies will be continued, including the controversial, illiberal ones. Finally, the election though free, was unfair, if for no other reason than the simple one of the partisan nature of the public media.  相似文献   
239.
中国和欧洲正在成为全球政治、经济、安全博弈的焦点。随着新兴国家的群体崛起,国际格局力量对比正在经历持续且深刻的调整,中欧大国的安全博弈也随之呈现出新的常态。相应地,如何准确把握中欧大国关系中安全博弈的新常态以及中欧博弈对国际安全格局走向的影响,并加以前瞻性应对,是中国外交在保障国际安全以及维持未来大国协调进程中必须考量的问题。中国和欧洲在大国安全关系持续协调中的"软博弈"(即国际安全的规范与价值的持续碰撞)与角色互换进程中的"硬摩擦"(即中国与欧洲在世界主导权结构中地位与角色的升降变化),共同构成了国际战略格局转型期中欧安全博弈的新常态。理解中欧大国博弈新常态之于国际安全研究则需要透过"‘相互依存式主导权’视阈下的国际社会化"这个两者结合的理论棱镜。在安全领域,中国对欧洲的外交也将迎来新的历史机遇,应当引导中欧关系进入国际安全规范重塑和机制建设进程的大方向。  相似文献   
240.
Abstract

A number of studies have investigated when parties change their policy positions. However, this growing body of research has had limited interaction with the literature on issue competition. To bring these two perspectives together, this article investigates how and when parties adjust their respective policy positions on immigration, the environment and the welfare state. In the article it is argued that especially large parties in electoral terms adjust their policy positions on specific issues in response to changes in the party system saliency of these issues. When the other parties increase their focus on a given issue, large parties adjust their position in the direction preferred by a majority of the voters. In the article this argument is investigated empirically, based on CMP data from 18 West European countries from 1980 to 2014. The findings largely support the argument and show a strong potential for further integration of the two dominant perspectives on party competition.  相似文献   
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