培植核心竞争力是中国大型零售企业的战略选择

培植中国大型零售企业的核心竞争能力，对促进企业生存和发展、抢占流通高地都具有重要意义。但中国大型零售企业的核心竞争力（战略管理、组织管理、营销、规模扩张、企业文化凝聚等能力）与世界先进企业相比仍有不小的差距。培植中国大型零售企业核心竞争力的重点应放在构建企业的营利模式、组建学习型组织和加强企业文化建设等方面。     

联合国《竞争法示范法》述评

《竞争法示范法》是联合国贸易与发展会议下属的政府间竞争法与竞争政策专家组研究国际竞争法的最主要的成果，它及时因应了国际竞争法的发展趋势和要求，具有高度的灵活性和前瞻性，为促进发展中国家立法、协调各国竞争立法进行了有益尝试。     

Two strategies for building a personal vote: Personalized representation in the UK and Denmark

Across parliamentary democracies, elected representatives constitute the link between citizens and government. MPs can connect with voters via the party label, or through personalized forms of representation, which is seen to be increasing in importance. However, scholars disagree on what explains variation in MPs' use of personalized representation strategies. In this article, we argue that politicians use different strategies to personalize the link between themselves and citizens: a constituency-oriented and a person-oriented strategy. To test our argument, we develop a new and novel dataset with behavioral measures of personalized representation. Using a content analyses of 698 British and Danish MPs’ personal websites, we demonstrate that the use of personalization strategies is conditional on the incentives MPs face in terms of electoral insecurity, candidate selection procedures, and the electoral context of the system. Our findings show that the level and type of personalized politics vary across political systems and may pose different types of challenges to party democracies.     

What consideration sets can teach us about electoral competition: A two-hurdle model

Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity—is it being considered?—and exclusivity—is it considered on its own?—and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. We illustrate our concepts and ideas using data from the 2010 Dutch and 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections.     

Who talks about what? Issue strategies across the party hierarchy

We combine the recent literature on issue competition with work on intra-party heterogeneity to advance a novel theoretical argument. Starting from the premise that party leaders and non-leaders have different motivations and incentives, we conjecture that issue strategies should vary across the party hierarchy. We, therefore, expect systematic intra-party differences in the use of riding the wave and issue ownership strategies. We test this claim by linking public opinion data to manually coded information on over 3600 press releases issued by over 500 party actors across five election campaigns in Austria between 2006 and 2019. We account for self-selection into leadership roles by exploiting transitions into and out of leadership status over time. The results show that party leaders are more likely than non-leaders to respond to the public's issue priorities, but not more or less likely to pursue issue-ownership strategies.     

刑法修正案（八）增设危险驾驶罪之问题研究

2011年2月24日全国人大常委会第十九次会议通过的刑法修正案（八）对现行刑法作了许多修改。其中,在刑法第133条后增设了危险驾驶罪,这次修改是本次修正案的重要内容之一,对危险驾驶行为的定罪,改变了＂肇事后再处罚＂的方式,对醉驾等危险驾驶行为的规制正式法律化。本文在讨论增设危险驾驶罪的原因以及本罪构罪标准的基础上,提出了对危险驾驶罪的几点完善意见。     

The house size effect and the referendum paradox in U.S. presidential elections

Barthélémy et al. (2014), extending the work of Neubauer and Zeitlin (2003), show that some U.S. presidential elections are subject to a ‘House size effect’ in that the winner of the election, i.e., the candidate who wins a majority of electoral votes, depends on the size of the House of Representatives. The conditions for the effect relate to the number of ‘Senate’ versus ‘House’ electoral votes won by each candidate, but the relationship is not straightforward due to ‘locally chaotic’ effects in the apportionment of House seats among the states as House size changes. Clearly a Presidential election that is subject to the House size effect exhibits the referendum paradox, i.e., the electoral vote winner is the popular vote loser, for some House sizes but not for others.     

吉林省战略性新兴产业发展问题研究

从当前国际与国内的发展趋势来看,吉林省发展战略性新兴产业是转变经济发展方式、进行结构调整的必然选择。吉林省战略性新兴产业已初具规模和特色,已经拥有了一批龙头企业,掌握了一批先进技术,研制开发出了一批高新产品。但吉林省发展战略性新兴产业依然存在着很多制约因素,吉林省应从推动产业集聚式发展,推进自主创新,培育重点企业,加强组织管理,营造良好发展环境等方面出发,充分利用国际国内两个市场、两种资源,做大优势、做强特色,力争使吉林省战略性新兴产业在若干领域跻身国内乃至世界的前列。     

论反垄断法的价值取向

随着我国《反垄断法》的颁布施行，正确认识其价值就具有很现实的意义。鉴于我国市场经济发展过程中存在的限制竞争问题，我国反垄断法的价值取向应包括保护自由竞每秩序、维护社会整体经济效益和保护消费者权益。     

不公平竞争与犯罪——犯罪深层次原因探讨

犯罪的原因不该只从人的行为上探求，还应从整个社会的运行状态和不公平竞争中去探寻。本文借用社会学和社会心理学的研究方法，以个体心理发展为线索，建立从个体到社会的平衡系统，以及互动性研究模式，从更深层次揭示不公平竞争和犯罪滋生的关系，以期为我国的犯罪预防和控制提供新思路。