Institutional determinants of the largest seat share

The degree of predominance of the largest party in a representative assembly affects government formation and survival. The seat share of the largest party, in turn, is constrained by the interaction of assembly size and electoral district magnitude in the following way. When all S seats in an assembly are allocated in districts of magnitude M, a logical quantitative model proposes that the largest fractional share is s₁ = (MS)^−1/8. As a curve, the model is found to fit with R² = 0.509, considering data from the averages of 46 periods in 37 countries, during which the electoral rules were essentially steady. As a worldwide average, the expression s₁(MS)^1/8 = 1 holds within 1%. Deviations from this average express the impact of various country-specific political and socio-cultural factors that can be investigated once the basic institutional constraints are controlled-for. This means that the degree of largest party predominance may be engineered to hover around a desired average by adjusting assembly size, and district magnitude, while keeping country-specific factors in mind.     

Does China’s middle class think and act democratically? Attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward urban self-government

In the West, the middle class has been considered a potent agent of the sociopolitical transition toward democracy and the cornerstone of democratic rule. Does a middle class in China think and act democratically and hence serve as the harbinger of democratic change in that country? This study attempts to answer this critical question by examining the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of middle-class individuals toward grassroots self-government in urban China. It is based on data collected from a representative-sample survey conducted in Beijing. The findings indicate that China’s middle class expects grassroots self-government to be formed in a democratic way; yet the middle class is critical of the currently-implemented self-government system because it is not organized as democratically as they expect, and therefore the middle class is less likely to participate in the system. These findings have significant implications for the role of the Chinese middle class in the democratization of China.     

论邓小平的民主法制观

邓小平在领导我国社会主义现代化建设及改革开放的实践中,不断总结我国社会主义民主法制建设正反两方面经验,伴随着建设中国特色社会主义理论的形成和完善,邓小平民主法制思想也形成了科学而完善的理论体系,有着深刻而丰富的内容和鲜明的时代特征。     

经济全球化与我国社会主义民主政治创新

经济全球化给我国的民主政治的发展提供了新的动力 ,也带来了巨大的挑战。我们需要顺应经济全球化和政治民主化的历史潮流 ,积极稳妥地进行政治体制改革 ,借鉴资本主义民主政治的积极成果 ,推动社会主义民主政治的创新和发展。     

以民主法制规范社会主义市场经济(上)

社会主义市场经济是中国经济矛盾演变的必要阶段.作为经济体制,它是社会主义制度的具体化,因此必须坚持社会主义原则,其核心就是民主.民主原则的制度化,形成社会主义法制体系.实行社会主义市场经济是克服旧的统制经济体制缺陷的历史性变革,其关键就在于以民主法制规范经济生活的各个层面和环节,并以执法、立法机构予以保证,由此促进经济的健康有序发展.     

近代西方的民主政治论析

自由、民土、人权 ,这三个概念是历史的和具体的。其中 ,自由主要是作为哲学范畴出现的 ,民主和人权主要是作为政治范畴出现的。政权在民、民主共和与契约思想 ,是西方古代的民主思想 ;在近代西方反对封建专制主义的斗争中 ,资产阶级高举自由旗帜 ,宣扬天赋人权 ,提出了资产阶级的民主和人权思想 ,并最终建立了资本主义的民主制度 ,总的倾向是阶级调和、福利主义和参与主义 ,不对政治现象作阶级的或社会的分析 ,抹杀资本主义民主、人权与社会主义的民主、人权的本质区别。     

主权在民:源流与反思

主权在民原则系宪法之首要原则。主权在民原则经历了由国家主权、政治主权、议会主权到人民主权的发展过程。主权在民原则既是近代宪法的逻辑起点,又指导着宪法具体制度的建立。主权在民原则在历史上发挥了巨大的作用,但也应当厘清、识别和深刻反思主权在民在宪政成长过程中的作用与局限。     

民主选举：从村级到乡镇级

最近几年的村民委员会改选实现了真正的民主选举。村级民主选举将从根本上动摇村干部配合乡镇政府乱收费的行为,但这会强化乡镇政府所属的众多的站、所、室及公司直接进入市场,征收费用。乡镇政府的市场介入会导致巨大的效率损失。因此,有必要规范乡镇政府行为,而实现乡镇级民主选举则是规范乡镇政府行为的必然选择。而且,从笔者论证的结果和选举实践来看,在我国实行乡镇级民主选举是可行的。     

从现实出发稳步推进党内民主建设

发展党内民主是党建的目标之一,也是中国政治体制改革的突破口。推行党内民主具有理论的现实性,同时也存在着与实际相冲突的地方。要充分估计现实中的不利因素和存在的问题,科学理解和处理好党内民主与"四个服从"、民主集中制的关系,加强党内民主的制度建设,创造良好的社会政治环境,从而使党内民主建设稳步健康发展。