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111.
全球治理的重要特征是多元规制,这一特点对全球化时代的法律的概念和法律渊源问题提出了挑战,针对这种挑战的三种解决途径即由约束力的区别来确定硬法和软法、按照法律制度化的程度来区分各种法律渊源、依据世界民主公法来界定各层次的法律渊源都要求对全球治理的法律渊源提出某种规范性要求。相对于这种规范性要求的实质性方面,通过合法律性这个概念来表述这种规范性要求是更适当的,并且在此意义上,合法律性也呈现了全球治理法治化这种规范性主张的必要条件和相应的局限性。  相似文献   
112.
政府合法性探讨的是政治系统如何赢得公众广泛信仰、支持和认同的问题。在社会变迁过程中,任何一种政治体系都不同程度地面临着合法性危机的问题。弘扬公共精神,坚守公共性,推进公共行政,是人类社会治理模式历史演进视野下解决地方政府合法性危机的根本之道。  相似文献   
113.
Discussion of the relationship between parties and the electorate is often based on the notion of partisan constituencies, that parties adopt policy positions that correspond to the average position of the party supporters. In contrast, the Downsian “spatial model” assumes that parties are purely opportunistic and maneuver to gain as many votes as possible. A third, more empirical model, based on the early work of Stokes, assumes that voter choice is based on the evaluation of each of the party leader’s competence or ability to deliver policy success. Such an evaluation can be provided by individual voter overall assessment in terms of the leaders’ character traits.This paper attempts to relate these three classes of models by examining the elections in Great Britain in 2005 and 2010. Using the British Election Study, we construct spatial models of these elections in Great Britain as well as in the three regions of England, Scotland and Wales. The models incorporate the electoral perceptions of character traits. We compare the equilibrium vote maximizing positions with the partisan positions, estimated by taking the mean of each of the parties voters’ preferred positions. We define an equilibrium to be a stable attractor if the vote share at the equilibrium exceeds the share at the partisan position by a significant proportion (determined by the implicit error of the stochastic model). We infer that none of the equilibria are stable attractors, and suggest that the partisan positions are also preferred by the party activists, the key supporters of each party.  相似文献   
114.
While research has provided evidence that culture and institutional performance shape individual level trust in political institutions, scholars have neglected to adequately estimate the effect of political institutions and macroeconomic conditions on trust. Using data from the World Value Surveys for eleven Latin American cases, we test if countries with “partyizing” electoral systems - those with rules that encourage voters to hold the party, not individuals, accountable for government performance - experience lower levels of distrust in political parties and the legislature in times of poor economic conditions than those countries with “personalizing” electoral rules. Our analysis shows that the macro political and economic context largely conditions the impact of culture and institutional performance on political trust.  相似文献   
115.
The paper seeks to reconcile insights from winner-loser gap research with mainstream understanding of election legitimacy. The paper acknowledges that winning and losing elections creates differential incentives for citizens to remain supportive of their political system, but it argues that losers nevertheless have enough reasons to remain supportive in absolute terms. Drawing on democratic theory, the paper develops a rationale for why citizens are willing to accept electoral defeat voluntarily, and suggest a new way to conceptualize citizen reactions to election outcomes. It presents findings from a sample of election studies in established democracies to show that winners typically become more supportive whereas losers at minimum retain their level of support from before the election. It concludes that elections, when reasonably well executed, as they most often are in established democracies, build system support rather than undermine it.  相似文献   
116.
Dual/multiple citizenship has become a widespread phenomenon in many parts of the world. This acceptance or tolerance of overlapping memberships in political communities represents an important element in the ongoing readjustment of the relationship between citizens and political communities in democratic systems. This article has two goals and parts. First, it evaluates dual citizenship from the perspective of five normative theories of democracy. Liberal and republican as well as multicultural and deliberative understandings of democracy deliver a broad spectrum of arguments in favour of dual citizenship. Only communitarians fear that dual citizenship endangers national democracies. Nevertheless, empirical evidence and national policies largely contradict these fears. The second part of the article reverses the perspective and shows that most theories of democracy do not only legitimate and facilitate the acceptance of dual citizenship – the phenomenon of multiple citizenships induces innovation in democratic theory in turn. A second look at the relationship between dual citizenship and theories of democracy reveals that dual citizenship stimulates refinements, expansions and reconceptualisations of these theories for a transnationalising world.  相似文献   
117.
一次革命之后的政治体制建设,应该有效回应革命之前各种危机的挑战。辛亥革命因首义仓促,未能回应晚清社会的政治危机,之后的国民革命和新民主主义革命,则直接借鉴了辛亥革命以来的经验教训,依从中国的政治文化,接受马克思主义——列宁主义的指导,找到了中国革命和政权建设中政党建设、武装力量与民主形式的制度连接。这种政治体制的关键要素,被毛泽东概括为“三大法宝”。  相似文献   
118.
胡锦涛总书记在纪念中国共产党成立90周年大会上的重要讲话,深刻论证了中国共产党执政地位的合法性,阐述了中国共产党的领导是历史的选择,人民的选择;对在新的历史条件下提高党的建设科学化水平和继续推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业进行了全面部署。  相似文献   
119.
台湾政党体系发展趋势探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2009年台湾的县市长选举、2010年初的两次“立委”补选以及年底的“五都”选举表明,民进党的政治实力已经从2008年的低谷回升.鉴于国民党和民进党各有源于不同阶层、不同地域的基本支持者,台湾民众在身份认同、统“独”议题、两岸关系、涉外关系方面存在较明显的“蓝、绿”分野,有理由预料均衡两党体系和政党轮替,将成为岛内的政...  相似文献   
120.
论高管“问题薪酬”的董事问责   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
如遇高管薪酬,董事就可能基于互惠和群体思维等情景以及单纯接触效应和框定效应下的生物本能,无意识地"董董相护",高管"寻租"如愿以偿,自应对董事问责。理性回路下的注意路径不能对情感回路下的"董董相护"对症下药,实际上放纵了高管"问题薪酬"。以诚信路径予以涵摄,则可以不枉不纵。是否构成"董董相护",需借助于高管薪酬的合理性进行推论。基于高管薪酬合理性边界的模糊性,拿捏高管薪酬的合理性,需以企业价值最大化为指针,借助高管薪酬的标准、水平和结构的合理性,厘定相应的参照系。  相似文献   
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