行政法视野下我国非政府组织合法性危机及其矫正

随着经济和社会纷纷步入转型期,我国社会的权力结构发生了变化。非政府组织的兴起改变了原来政府———市场的二元治理结构,推动着我国治理理念的转变以及民主法治的进步。然而,非政府组织蓬勃发展的同时也面临着内外交困的局面,从而引发了一系列的危机,尤其是合法性危机:一来其权力的来源缺乏明确的法律依据,二来缺乏代表性,再来独立性也受质疑。从行政法的视角分析了我国非政府组织合法性危机,并试图探索出解困之策。     

Gender equality and the electoral system in the regional council of Sardinia

This article provides an account of the process followed by the legislative assembly of the autonomous region of Sardinia, the regional council, to change its electoral law. More specifically, this article will focus on equal access to the elective office at the regional council that the electoral law should have guaranteed. The introduction of measures of gender equality is part of the broader process of change in the electoral law of Sardinia. It is also part of the wider review process of Sardinian autonomy that finds its roots in the amendment of title V of the Italian Constitution of 2001. Following these reforms, constitutional law 3/2013 states that ‘In order to achieve the balance between men and women in representation’, the new electoral law should ‘promote a new equal opportunity in the access to the office of regional councillor’ (article 16). The introduction of double preference for male and female candidates would have guaranteed equality, instead of reserving a share of seats to the underrepresented sex. It would have involved a new approach to the problem of underrepresentation of women. At the 20 June 2013 meeting, however, double preference was rejected in a secret ballot. Yet only four years later, on 21 November 2017, the electoral law was changed to guarantee equal access for women.     

Religious market structure and democratic performance: Clientelism

Is there a connection between government intervention in religious competition and partisan clientelism in democratic systems? Drawing on the economics of religion, we argue that alongside commonly examined population-level religious processes (religious diversity), state-level religious processes (government regulation of competition in the religious market) affect institutional performance in electoral democracies. Linking comparative indicators of religion-state relations with measures of partisan clientelism, statistical analysis suggests that uncompetitive religious markets, such as those where a dominant religion is sponsored by the state, create incentives, infrastructures and opportunities that favour clientelism. The study emphasises the importance of light-touch regulation of religion not merely as a normative principle narrowly related to religious freedom, but also as a potential remedy that can enhance the quality of political institutions.     

远程审判的程序正当性考察——以交往行为理论为视角

目前来看,远程审判具有实践上的正当性,而欠缺历史的正当性,在形式正当性上也不完备。我们考察远程审判的正当性时,应超越形式的正当性标准,而深入到实质正当性的层面。在实质正当性的层面,又要超越实践正当性与历史正当性的分歧,而在纯粹正当性层面来进行分析。由于诉讼在本质上乃是法律世界的主体化解异议的交往行为,因此我们应从交往行为所依赖的理想言谈情境出发,来分析远程审判的程序正当性问题。理想言谈情境要求主体的言语行为符合四个有效性要件,根据这四个有效性要件,我们可以建立诉讼程序的纯粹正当性标准。以此标准进行衡量,远程审判在程序上大体符合纯粹正当性的要求,但是也有个别具体障碍需要消除。     

民间借贷：现状、影响及合法性探讨

近年来我国的民间借贷市场空前活跃，其在市场规模、表现形式、投资方向及借贷利率等方面呈现出新的特点。民间借贷在为中小企业解决融资难题、发挥积极作用的同时，也对借贷企业的健康发展、国家金融秩序及社会稳定造成了一定的负面影响。对民间借贷进行规制应先探讨民间借贷的合法性，这对推进民间借贷的规范化和法制化具有一定的理论和实践意义。     

Bottom-up renewal of the Swiss party system

ABSTRACT

The Swiss party system and the institutional rules guiding elections are an anchor of stability in Swiss politics. This article investigates recent change in cantonal elections, and analyses how electoral swings in cantonal elections diffuse to other cantons, and whether they predict future electoral swings in the national electoral arena. Empirically, the article combines a statistical analysis of electoral results from the period 1990–2017 in cantonal and national elections with a qualitative discussion of the period from 2014 to 2017.     

目的正当性审查在比例原则中的定位

目的正当性审查在比例原则适用中的定位需要重新审视。通过对国家发改委“缓降油价决定”在目的与手段关系上的个案考察，比例原则在石油调价风波中的适用，可能遭遇“悖离情境”。这直接关乎“目的正当性”审查在比例原则中的定位。对此，学界和实务界存在从“审查不足”到“审查过度”间的短板交接。比例原则对目的性审查需要秉持克制态度：既作为不可或缺的审查环节，但不能赋予其独立之阶层秩序的地位。可将“预备阶段论”建构作为比例原则目的正当性审查的探索方向。对于“缓降油价决定”的实体性评价，即使以目的正当性审查启动，也应伴随比例原则预备阶段论的适用，截断以“不恰当目的”之相关审查标准。     

Representation and district magnitude in plurality systems

Despite the widely accepted theoretical prediction that high district magnitudes should yield less proportional results in plurality systems, empirical evidence is surprisingly mixed. We argue that these mixed results are ultimately due to a lack of clarity about the counterfactual being considered. We use a simple model to show that an increase in district magnitude reduces expected proportionality in a plurality system only if it is accompanied by a reduction in the number of districts. This conditional prediction helps to explain the diversity of existing findings and is consistent with our own analysis of both U.S. congressional delegations and local councils in Britain.     

中共历次党章修改对党员选举权的完善与落实

党章,是党的根本大法,是党内活动的根本准则。建党以来,从党的一大到党的十八大,随着党所面临的形势和任务的变化对其工作提出的新要求,使得党章不断的得以修正和完善,党员选举权利的理论也实现了与时俱进的发展。这一发展不仅体现了我党在不同历史时期的实践探索,而且体现了中国共产党对党员选举权利认识的深化。因此,分析历次党章对党员选举权内容的修订,以及中共历次党章修改对落实党员选举权利的推动作用,对于探索新时期保障和落实党员权利的主要途径也就显得尤为重要。     

Holding parties responsible at election time: Multi-level,multi-party government and electoral accountability

This paper highlights the crucial role played by party-specific responsibility attributions in performance-based voting. Three models of electoral accountability, which make distinct assumptions regarding citizens' ability to attribute responsibility to distinct governing parties, are tested in the challenging Northern Ireland context – an exemplar case of multi-level multi-party government in which expectations of performance based voting are low. The paper demonstrates the operation of party-attribution based electoral accountability, using data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study. However, the findings are asymmetric: accountability operates in the Protestant/unionist bloc but not in the Catholic/nationalist bloc. This asymmetry may be explained by the absence of clear ethno-national ideological distinctions between the unionist parties (hence providing political space for performance based accountability to operate) but the continued relevance in the nationalist bloc of ethno-national difference (which limits the scope for performance politics). The implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of party-specific responsibility attribution in performance based models of voting, and for our evaluation of the quality of democracy in post-conflict consociational polities, are discussed.