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181.
In this paper, we extend a well-trod line of research from congressional and state-level elections—the electoral impact of campaign expenditures and candidate characteristics—to a relatively understudied context, urban mayoral elections. Using a sample of large U.S. cities, we provide evidence that mayoral elections are very similar to elections at other levels of office: there is a tremendous incumbency advantage, one that is overcome only with great effort; campaign spending is closely tied to incumbent vote share but it is challenger rather than incumbent spending that seems to drive outcomes; and challengers are hopelessly outspent. In addition, we find that the effect of local economic conditions on incumbent success is mediated by challenger spending and that incumbent candidates fare better in racially diverse settings.  相似文献   
182.
How do electoral institutions affect self-identified partisanship? I hypothesize that party registration acts to anchor a person's party identification, tying a person to a political party even when their underlying preferences may align them with the other party. Estimating a random effects multinomial logit model, I find individuals registered with a party are more likely to self-identify with that party and away from the other party. Party registration also affects voting in presidential elections but not in House elections, leading to greater defection in the former where voters have more information about the candidates. These insights illuminate varying rates of electoral realignment, particularly among southern states, and the makeup of primary electorates in states with and without party registration.  相似文献   
183.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(3):439-468
This article proposes an alternative vision for what criminal justice can represent such that its interests in becoming a full‐fledged academic discipline are advanced. Linked to philosophical inquiry (the under‐laborer), emphasis is placed on explicating how insights derived from ontology, epistemology, aesthetics, and ethics underscore the field. Coupled with this more probing excursion is psychoanalytic reflexivity (the criminology of the shadow). The manner in which the philosophical lens informs criminal justice is delineated, and the logic of this shadow criminology is described. As dimensions of an inclusive organizing scheme, their potential for fostering integration in crime and justice studies consistent with the goals of disciplinary identity and legitimacy is explored. The implications of the proposed model—especially for charting a new direction in theory, research, policy, and pedagogy—are also highlighted.  相似文献   
184.
人类历史上,许多国家执政者有时会采用煽动民族主义情绪的方式转移民众视线以应对合法性危机。但此方法会同时增加民众的民族主义诉求,当执政者可能无法满足相关诉求时,民众即会产生新的不满。在煽动民族主义情绪时,执政者必然要把握尺度,不断通过评估-调整的调控方式将民众不满情绪稳定于最低水平。通过数学建模分析可发现,此调控方式有趋于失序、趋于均衡两种结果,函数弹性差值是调控成败的关键。函数弹性差值决定于社会信息化程度、社会祛魅程度和执政者公信力。  相似文献   
185.
自2004年以来,政府为抑制房地产市场失灵,陆续出台了一系列宏观调控政策,但并没有根本性的解决房地产秩序混乱的问题。房地产市场宏观调控不力已是不争的事实。因此本文关注的是政府在进行房地产宏观调控过程中其具体措施的合法性和合理性问题,试图在对房地产市场宏观调控进行法律评析后得到深层次的启迪和思考,为完善房地产市场宏观调控提供一个法律意义上的新思路。  相似文献   
186.
So far we have little by way of a theoretical understanding of the dynamics of electoral competition. This paper attempts to fill some of this gap by studying resource expenditure over the electoral cycle. Among the main results is that, when contributions from donors are independent of support, parties accelerate expenditure during the entire period between elections, even when voters do not forget. If contributions depend on support, and are significant, parties front load expenditure and decelerate.  相似文献   
187.
Abstract

The 2019 parliamentary election in Poland resulted in continuity of the incumbent PiS party-coalition. The election saw, for Poland, an unprecedented turnout of 62%. The 44% support for PiS translated into a 51% majority in the Lower House. The ability of the three opposition blocs (KO, SLD and PSL) to coordinate their political campaign for the upper chamber resulted in their victory – PiS lost the majority in the Senate. This post-2019 period thus starts as parliamentary cohabitation. The preceding four years had witnessed repeated violations of the constitution by the government (including attempts to dismantle the separation of powers and to turn public media into a partisan propaganda machine) accompanied by a general anti-liberal and anti-European stance. The electorates of the two major party-blocks have polarized in terms of their socio-demographic features. The new government does not differ much from the pre-election one, with the same PM and most ministers. The first weeks of its governing indicate that the government’s general as well as sectoral policies will be continued, including the controversial, illiberal ones. Finally, the election though free, was unfair, if for no other reason than the simple one of the partisan nature of the public media.  相似文献   
188.
王玮玲 《法学论坛》2020,(1):97-105
由于对《合同法》第286条及相关司法解释的理解不同,司法实践中对合同无效时施工单位能否主张建设工程优先受偿权存在争议。作为对债权平等性的法定突破,建设工程优先受偿权必须具备充足的正当性基础;同时,出于对其他债权人利益衡平之考虑,必须严格限制可以优先受偿的债权的范围。合同无效体现了法律的否定性评价,相关司法解释不具有赋予特定情况下的无效施工合同以有效合同效果的正当性,因此产生的债权不应具有优先受偿之效力。  相似文献   
189.
推动社会组织嵌入社区治理结构,是满足社区居民多层次、多样化治理需求的重要途径,是新时代我国城乡社区治理体系建设的重要内容。新制度主义视角下的合法性机制从不同维度建构社会组织嵌入城市社区治理结构的现实逻辑。从健全正式制度的均衡治理,推进规制性要素的强制性形塑;从实现策略性的专业化治理,推进规范性要素的适应性形塑;从强化共同理念的文化认同,推进文化-认知性要素的内生性形塑。社会组织“嵌入式”发展是阶段路径,“融入式”发展是升级路径,推动制度要素和技术治理联动优化,形成更加成熟健全的组织自主性生长机制。  相似文献   
190.
德国联邦宪法法院基于国家信息行为的三方性特征在合宪性审查中采用了偏离自由权三阶审查模式的回应方式:增加了"保障内涵"(Gewhrleistungsgehalt)的审查标准,同时把"侵害"(Eingriff)概念扩展为"损害"(Beeintrchtigung)并以宪法未明文规定的"国家领导任务"(Aufgabe der Staatslei-tung)建构国家信息行为的正当性基础。在观察基本权利教义学结构与面貌变动的基础上明确了:基本权利教义学以提供理性化之法律适用并达成个案之基本权利保障为目的,面对多变的国家行为形式具有开展的弹性与适应变迁的可能性。  相似文献   
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