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81.
公有公共设施国家赔偿制度的立法探讨 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
确立公有公共设施的国家赔偿责任仍然是我国法律领域悬而未决的领域。参照世界各国的立法,一方面这是民法中特殊侵权行为的一种,另一方面也是国家赔偿法中遵循合法性原则的赔偿制度。在我国向市场经济转型的过程中,公共领域和私人领域的界线正在形成,因此在对公有公共设施的国家赔偿进行专门立法,有利于促进依法行政和保障公民权益。 相似文献
82.
In this analysis I argue for the independent effects on social change of the internal logic of formal justice. Institutionally,
oppositional ideas that challenge the legitimacy of a hegemonic system emerge in “safe spaces” that subordinate groups create
within a culture dominated by hegemonic ideas. The oppositional ideas derive in part from an existing informal culture of
opposition, access to repertories of contention, and favorable openings in the political system. In addition, however, these
ideas are often propelled independently by the logic of formal justice, in which, when the reasons for separate treatment
have been discredited, equality is the default option. The analysis demonstrates the power of this logic and suggests that
it spreads through the mechanism of “organized activist” variation and “everyday activist” selection. 相似文献
83.
André Blais Maxime Héroux-Legault Laura Stephenson William Cross Elisabeth Gidengil 《Electoral Studies》2012
The paper assesses the influence of electoral rules on vote choice and election outcomes using a quasi-experiment conducted during a recent Canadian provincial election. Respondents were invited to vote under three voting systems (first past the post, alternative voting and proportional representation) and to answer a short questionnaire. We examine how the distribution of votes and seats is affected, and we ascertain how much of the total difference is due to psychological and mechanical effects. We find that a PR system would have increased legislative fractionalization by the equivalent of one effective party and that the mechanical effect is much more important than the psychological effect. As for AV, its mechanical and psychological effects act in opposite directions. 相似文献
84.
There are two approaches to predicting election outcomes: (1) a historical approach, which uses past election results alongside macroeconomic and political variables to forecast election results up to a year in advance, and (2) a campaign-oriented approach, which uses current campaign trends to forecast vote shares at the end of the campaign. They are in some way at odds—one approach says the campaign doesn't matter, the other focuses entirely on the campaign. This article considers whether the two approaches might be usefully combined; it considers whether the prediction errors in historical models may be related to trends during the campaign. That possibility is tested here using 17 elections in the US, UK and Canada, combining historical predictions and automated content analyses of campaign-period media content. Results suggest that campaigns do not account for errors in the historical predictions; but there may be other ways in which campaigns matter in conjunction with historical models. 相似文献
85.
顾大松 《江苏行政学院学报》2012,(4):130-136
我国房屋征收领域已经存在系统的社会风险。作为政治系统对法律系统的环境影响,重塑征收的合法性应注意房屋征收法制中社会稳定风险评估机制的功能定位;凝聚价值共识、扩大公众参与、注重反思理性应当成为房屋征收社会稳定评估机制的架构基础。 相似文献
86.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(1):1-36
Abstract Using information from documents found in the Russian State Military Archives, this article discusses the organization and execution of the Soviet mass deportations from the Baltic States in March 1949 — code-named Operation “Priboi” by the USSR MVD. These findings are presented for the first time in English, in the context both of established historiographical interpretations and recent literature on the deportations. The aim is to encourage a scholarly reassessment of Operation “Priboi” as a crime against humanity perpetrated by the Soviet occupation regime, but supported by indigenous collaborators to a far greater degree than previously assumed. 相似文献
87.
司法审查的正当性论争所造成的司法审查正当性困窘,堪称司法审查乃"知难行易"。辩解和诘难司法审查的两种立场,无不从民主、分权、人权与司法审查之关联以证立或驳斥司法审查,其中又内在地勾连着宪法的性质、立法与司法的关系、宪法解释的方法。此种理论上的分异乃至对立,端在于司法审查的正当性问题已非一般意义的司法的正当性问题,而是因司法审查内含修宪,遂转成为政治正当性问题。民主、分权、人权正是关联着司法审查权的依据、方式和目标三个方面,从而成为证立或驳斥司法审查所必然涉及者。而对民主、分权、人权的理解和判定,又往往人言人殊,由此造成理论上的各执一词、分庭抗礼。然而,在证立与驳斥司法审查之间,逻辑上的要求是不对等的。此所以司法审查在理论上困难重重,在实践上却大行其道。此亦所谓"知行分离"。 相似文献
88.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(5):895-925
Numerous studies by Tyler and colleagues, as well as other scholars, support a normative, process model to account for variation in the public’s cooperation with police in the USA and other developed nations. However, a recent study in Ghana suggests that in developing countries fraught with high levels of violent crime and corruption, cooperation may instead be accounted for by a utilitarian, rational-choice model. Our study examines whether public cooperation with police in the developing nation of Trinidad and Tobago is associated with the process model or rational-choice model. Using in-person structured interviews with residents, we examined whether victims’ decisions to report to police were related to individuals’ perceptions about police effectiveness or police legitimacy. We found support for the process model. We discuss possible explanations for the divergence with Tankebe’s research in Ghana and suggest avenues for future research. 相似文献
89.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(5):845-871
Procedural justice has dominated recent discussions of police interactions with the public. It has mostly been measured from the perspective of citizens (using surveys or interviews), but several important questions about predictors and outcomes of fair police treatment are best answered using direct observations of police-citizen interactions. Building on prior observational studies, we develop and validate an instrument for measuring procedural justice as it is exercised by the police in the natural setting of their encounters with the public. In doing so, we adopt a “formative” rather than the common “reflective” approach, based on the assumption that specific behaviors that make up procedural justice do not reflect a single underlying construct but rather form one. We justify this approach and validate our instrument accordingly. We also discuss the implications of our measurement for future research on procedural justice in police behavior. 相似文献
90.
Marianne Riddervold 《European Security》2014,23(4):546-564
When the European Union (EU) launched its first military naval mission, EU NAVFOR Somalia, Atalanta, the states who are members of both the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) made a political choice: to prioritize the EU over NATO in their multilateral military efforts to fight piracy and its consequences. Thereby, Atalanta challenges the conventional assumption that EU security cooperation will remain limited. It also challenges the widely held belief that the European states will chose to act through NATO if dealing multilaterally with international security issues. How can we explain this decision? This analysis suggests that it can be explained in two phases where different mechanisms were at work. In the first phase, which can be accounted for from a neo-realist perspective, France, who held the Presidency, used particular favorable geopolitical conditions to put an autonomous EU operation on the agenda. However, agreement on the EU option cannot be explained as a result of strategic bargaining. Instead, in a second phase and in line with an alternative hypothesis building on the theory of communicative action, the EU member states came to support the French suggestion due to legitimacy considerations regarding the legal framework of the two operations. 相似文献