域外文化的移植——沉默权之中国化

法律移植过程中需要避免片面化和理想化的因素,沉默权实质上是证据规则的告知问题。基于中西方文化的差异,我国不宜确立明示的沉默权制度,应建立适宜我国国情的“沉默”制度。     

论循环经济的目标及其规范

循环经济的目标是生态效应,提高生态经济效率和实行3R原则还难以达到这个目标,需要转换思路,创新设计.循环经济立法以生态效应为导向,构建其法域、部门法和法律关系.     

浅析规则实施与制度变迁绩效对我国经济改革的启示

诺思模型是从制度变迁的角度对西方经济发展进行的描述 ,其偏重于效率的考虑 ,没有重点阐释制度框架下规则的实施与贯彻。而制度变迁与规则实施的交互作用共同对经济发展产生重大影响的阐述 ,对我国经济改革的推进有重要的启示作用     

行政诉讼与民事诉讼的举证责任分配比较

举证责任是证据制度的核心内容 ,在我国 ,行政诉讼脱胎于民事诉讼 ,行政诉讼与民事诉讼的举证责任既有联系又有区别 ,其主要特征体现在原、被告的举证责任分配上     

侵权行为法归责原则演进的法理学思考

侵权行为法归责原则的演进适应了民法从个人主义本位向社会本位的转变。演进的过程从个人的视角观察,实现了人的解放与发展;从社会发展的角度看,体现了以效率为追求的进化性发展路径。归责原则的演进实现了司法视角的转换,但无过错责任原则并没有否定矫正正义的价值取向。     

论刑事诉讼中的不良品格证据规则

不良品格证据由于与案件的争议事实无关联,因而,除了一些特定的例外情形,原则上法律将被告人的不良品格证据排除于法庭之外。但是,近些年国际上关于该规则的内容已有所变化。为了完善我国刑事证据立法和解决司法实践中的问题,我国亟待构建科学的不良品格证据规则。     

Pre-electoral coalitions in comparative perspective: A test of existing hypotheses

Despite the vast coalition literature, pre-electoral coalitions have never been at the center of any systematic, cross-national research. Given their prevalence and potential impact on government composition and policies, this represents a serious omission in our knowledge of coalitions. I begin to remedy this situation by testing two hypotheses found in the literature on party coalitions. The first is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form in disproportional systems if there are a sufficiently large number of parties. The second is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form if voters face high uncertainty about the identity of future governments. These hypotheses are tested using a new dataset comprising legislative elections in 22 advanced industrialized countries between 1946 and 1998. The results of the statistical analysis support the first hypothesis, but not the second.     

Malapportionment and democracy: A curvilinear relationship

This article examines electoral malapportionment by illuminating the relationship between malapportionment level and democracy. Although a seminal study rejects this relationship, we argue that a logical and empirically significant relationship exists, which is curvilinear and is based on a framework focusing on incumbent politicians' incentives and the constraints they face regarding malapportionment. Malapportionment is lowest in established democracies and electoral authoritarian regimes with an overwhelmingly strong incumbent; it is relatively high in new democracies and authoritarian regimes with robust opposition forces. The seminal study's null finding is due to the mismatch between theoretical mechanisms and choice of democracy indices. Employing an original cross-national dataset, we conduct regression analyses; the results support our claims. Furthermore, on controlling the degree of democracy, the single-member district system's effects become insignificant. Australia, Belarus, the Gambia, Japan, Malaysia, Tunisia, and the United States illustrate the political logic underlying curvilinear relations at democracy's various levels.     

略论中国古代法律对天文研究的法律规制

中国古代法律禁止民间任意观测、探究、解释和传习有关星空的奥秘,只允许官方的天文机构研究和解读天文现象。中国古代法律对天文研究作出如此的法律规制,既是保证农业生产顺利进行的客观要求,也是"天人感应"这个流传很久、影响巨大的哲学观在法律制度上的具体体现。     

The classification of electoral systems: Bringing legislators back in

It is widely assumed that electoral institutions shape politicians' incentive for personal vote-seeking, with important behavioral and policy consequences. Yet, there is a surprising lack of consensus on how to compare real-world electoral institutions. Using new data this paper examines how legislators' own perception of their electoral incentives in fifteen democracies correspond to some of the most seminal classification schemes in political science. Our survey of 2326 legislators – the empirically broadest study of personal vote orientation so far conducted – demonstrates that legislators do not always understand electoral incentives in the same way scholarly rankings do, highlighting the need for scholars of political institutions to justify their choice of classification scheme. If not, an entire body of literature may be misguided.