意思表示解释规则的语用学分析

意思表示解释对当事人真意的探寻实际上需要通过语义的探究来实现。语用学以语言哲学对意义的思考为滥觞,为意思表示的解释提供了新的视野和方法。依照解释学理论建构的意思表示解释规则,在一定程度上与语用学的意义探究方法相契合,但同时也表现出零散、不系统和立场游移的特点。因而,意思表示解释规则的建构应综合解释学的"解释者—文本"与语用学的"言语—言说者"双重视角,为解释者提供更具操作性的规则。     

What accounts for Duverger's law? The behavioral mechanisms underpinning two-party convergence in India

Duverger's Law states the single-member district plurality rules should produce two-party competition. In district-level election races where this expectation holds, what political behaviors—ranging from elites' strategic formation of political parties to voters' strategic abandonment of losing candidates—account for these outcomes? Using data from state elections in India, this article demonstrates that no single mechanism accounts for most electoral outcomes consistent with Duverger's Law. However, mechanisms related to the behavior elites, far more than voters, produce convergence on two-party competition. This article uncovers relatively little evidence of outcomes driven by strategic voting, instead finding that much of the convergence on two parties is attributable to various forms of strategic entry in which parties selectively field candidates in certain races. In particular, elite collusion—when multiple parties coordinate on where to field candidates—is especially important. Data from other countries confirm that these findings are not unique to India.     

Technocratic attitudes and voting behaviour ten years after the Eurozone crisis: Evidence from the 2019 EP elections

The onset of the Great Recession raised the profile of technocracy, or government by experts, as a contrasting model to democracy. Yet, there is little research on how attitudes towards technocracy may impact European citizens' political behaviour. Moreover, the consistency of technocracy supporters' political attitudes, especially towards the EU, is questionable. This paper uses new survey panel data collected before and after the European parliament elections in May 2019 in six countries (Belgium, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain). We investigate how citizens’ technocratic attitudes affect their voting behaviour in the European elections. We find evidence that citizens with technocratic attitudes are less likely to support mainstream parties, and tend to either abstain or, if they vote, to give their vote to anti-system parties, especially from the populist right. In addition, by distinguishing technocracy supporters according to their partisanship, we conclude that technocracy is a thin ideology that can be combined with different patterns of political support: while many technocracy supporters have no party identification or support non-mainstream parties and show dissatisfaction with democracy and the EU, another subgroup of technocracy supporters identifies with a mainstream political party and show above average political support and support for the EU.     

Public support for electoral reform: The role of electoral system experience

What affects public support for electoral reform? How does experience with different electoral systems affect people's willingness to support electoral reform? Given the salience of changes to election rules even when they are passed via the legislature and the increasing use of referenda as alternative mechanisms for change, these questions are critical to understanding when electoral reform will occur. I argue that experience (specifically, with an electoral system similar to that under consideration) affects public opinion by reducing uncertainty about the likely effects of reform and thus affects support for reform (although the direction of the effect depends on partisan bias). Moreover, I argue that experience is most important in the absence of strong party cues. I leverage subnational electoral system variation in the United Kingdom and find that experience does affect support for reform — negative experiences decrease support for reform. The results have implications for the possibility of electoral reform in the UK and beyond.     

‘Full’ Compensation Criteria: An Enquiry into Relative Merits

The principle of full compensation is said to restore the victim of an accident to the position he was in before the tort. The conventional pre-tort position of the victim is taken to be the one in which he bears no accident losses at all. Therefore, a negligent injurer is required to compensate his victim fully. In an interesting paper in this journal, Van Wijck and Winters (2001) have reinterpreted the pre-tort position of the victim, and proposed an alternative specification of liability for the purpose of compensation. We study the relative merits of the two compensation criteria. We show that while the alternative compensation criterion is indeed insightful from economic as well as legal point of view, at the same time it suffers from some serious limitations.     

行政诉讼中举证责任的分配

我国《行政诉讼法》仅规定在行政诉讼中被告对其作出的具体行政行为负举证责任 ,而未规定原告的举证责任。最高人民法院关于行政诉讼证据的司法解释明确规定了原告的举证责任。它是对被告就被诉的具体行政行为是否合法承担举证责任这一基本原则的补充。不能将原告的举证责任与被告的举证责任等同。原告承担举证责任的事项仅限于法律的特别规定。在司法实践中 ,对原告承担举证责任的范围应当严格限于法律所规定的事项 ,而不能作任意的扩大 ,否则 ,将构成对我国行政诉讼制度整体的破坏。     

刑法语境中的“致人重伤、死亡”

我国现行刑法典多处使用了“致人重伤、死亡”的表述 ,看似简单 ,实则复杂。在规范性质上 ,具体表现为结果犯中的构成要件结果、结果加重犯中的加重结果和情节加重犯中的严重情节 ;在刑法价值上 ,既影响定罪 ,又影响量刑 ;在罪过形式上 ,又有单纯故意、单纯过失、故意与过失相混合三种类型。并且 ,刑法中的“致人死亡”不应包括引起被害人自杀的情形     

“入世”后我国的依法行政

WTO规则作为全球多边贸易规则,其规范的对象乃是缔约成员方政府的行政行为.我国加入WTO后,受影响最大的将不是"企业"而是"政府",传统的"依法行政"将受国际经济全球化更多的影响和制约.中国加入WTO后,WTO规则将成为我国司法部门和行政部门履行WTO协定的法律依据,成为依法行政的重要法律依据;行政的公开、透明将被充分重视,行政行为方式将更加多样化、规范化和程序化;行政行为的法律救济制度将进一步完善.     

国际贸易中的竞争规则及其新发展

随着反竞争行为对国际贸易消极影响的深化,而现存的应对反竞争行为的方法与途径又存在局限性,国际社会需要通过竞争规则的多边协调,来实现真正的贸易自由化。笔者认为,以“实现贸易自由化”为联系点,在WTO框架内拟议竞争规则是可行的,也是必要的。同时应注意竞争规则的模式选择、国际合作的加强及对发展中国家的待遇问题。     

论我国物权变动规则的交错

我国物权变动规则的立法呈现出一种形式主义和意思主义相互交错的状态.这不仅与我国物权法所承载的多元价值或功能有关,而且还表明了单纯形式主义规则就此的功能阙如.因此需要综合考虑具体的物权类型各自的功能和特质,并依此分别采用形式主义和意思主义的物权变动规则,方能圆满实现物权法所欲达成之价值目标.