Re-emergence of Asia and the Rise and Fall of the Japanese Economy in Super Long Waves of Capitalist World Systems

ABSTRACT

After the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, we are facing the beginning of the end of the post-war capitalist world system. The 1920s was in the middle of the social, political and economic interregnum, a period of discontinuity in the social order, accompanied by widespread unrest, wars and power vacuums. In this article, that framework of the long and super long waves in the capitalist world systems is used to examine the recent interregnum that marks the re-emergence of Asia. Within the framework of the long and super long waves a new “flying geese” theory is built by incorporating the theory of dynamic industries with Akamatsu’s theory. In the 1980s, Japanese integral production architecture improved quality and productivity in the automobile and electrical machinery industries. In the 1990s, the USA’s open modular production architecture enabled China’s compressed industrialisation, and the China-centric Asian production network replaced the Japan-led Pacific Rim triangular trade regime. In the 2000s, the knowledge-and technology-intensive (KTI) industries have established themselves as the new dynamic industries. The USA is the leading country to develop KTI industries. China is catching up quickly and has leapfrogged Japan in KTI industries. In conclusion, it is argued that these changes mark an approaching second interregnum.     

The five shades of grey: party systems and authoritarian institutions in post-Soviet Central Asian states

ABSTRACT

This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation.     

对“一国两制”提出的实际根据和理论依据的思考

"一国两制"构想不是一天形成的,也不是偶然提出的,更不是凭空想出来的.它是在党的十一届三中全会以后,邓小平同志从我国社会发展的客观需要出发提出的."一国两制"构想的提出有着充分的实际根据和可靠的理论依据,是理论与实际的紧密结合.     

大珠三角区域的制度学习:动因、过程及前景

在经济全球化和区域化竞争不断加剧的条件下,区域的制度竞争力已经成为决定区域整体竞争力的核心要素。在"一国两制"下,粤、港、澳三地结成的大珠三角区域,共同建构学习型区域,相互进行制度的模仿、学习,进而走向制度的协调和制度的融合,这是缩小区域制度落差,提升区域整体制度竞争力的重要途径。     

Parity,Power and Representative Politics: The Elusive Pursuit of Gender Equality in Europe

In recent years the concept of parity democracy has rapidly risen up the European political agenda. Using a threefold typology of sex-quotas, this article undertakes a classification of the measures taken by the 15 old E.U. member states to improve the gender balance in representative assemblies. This is then used as the basis for an exploration of the advantages and disadvantages of the parity approach as a tool to promote gender equality, including the constitutional obstacles which stand in its way. The article goes on to present a comparative study of several national systems in which attempts to achieve parity democracy have been pursued, concluding that, in order to maximise their effectiveness, parity measures must operate within a system of unbiased political structures and be properly adjusted to suit the particularities of individual national electoral regimes.     

简论澳门特区政府的行政改革

澳门回归 3年多来 ,特区政府在“一国两制”方针和《澳门基本法》的指引下 ,进行了一系列卓有成效的行政改革。这些改革特点鲜明、卓有成效 ,但也存在些许缺憾与不足。在未来的行政改革进程中 ,特区政府除应保持改革原有的特色外 ,需要着力于 :树立“权变的”和“可持续的”行政改革观 ;重组澳门的公共行政精神和公共行政文化 ;打造特区政府独特的国际竞争力 ;建立健全“次区域化”视野下的政府全面合作的制度安排     

影响海峡两岸关系因素的分析

“一国两制“是中国共产党解决台湾与祖国大陆统一的根本原则;台湾主要领导人所持的与“一国两制“相对立的态度是阻碍海峡两岸统一的根本原因;美国插手台湾问题则是影响两岸关系的国外原因.     

从“一纲四目”到“一国两制”: 中共三代领导集体与我党对台政策

“一国两制”理论是对“一纲四目”构想的继承和发展。其中“一纲四目”的形成经历了一个由武力解决到和平统一的转变;“一国两制”被作为一项长期的国策,“江八点”使其更加丰富和全面。     

"一国两制"与中华民族凝聚力

"一国两制"理论的提出,以及在香港、澳门的成功实践,在政治上、经济上、文化上产生了巨大的影响,提高了中国的国际声誉,增强了中国的经济实力,推动了祖国的统一步伐,促进了中华民族凝聚力的发展.     

Proportional representation and attitudes about politics: results from New Zealand

PR systems often are credited with producing more equitable outcomes between political parties and encouraging wider social group representation than majoritarian systems. Theory suggests that this should instill greater trust, efficacy, and faith in the political system. We assume that citizens disadvantaged by majoritarian rules (political minorities) will have a relatively greater shift toward positive attitudes about democracy following a transition from a majoritarian system to proportional representation. We employ panel data from the 1993–1996 New Zealand Election Study (NZES) to test hypotheses about the effects of electoral system change on attitudes about governmental responsiveness, trust in government, and political efficacy. We find that there is a general shift in mass opinion toward more positive attitudes on some measures of efficacy and responsiveness. Political minorities display a greater shift toward feelings of efficacy than other voters.