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11.
信息化战争按时间可划分为扼制战争阶段、战前准备阶段、战争实施阶段、战争结束阶段。科学构建信息化战争中我军舆论战战法,需要将信息化战争各阶段舆论战的“重心”细化为各种具体任务,针对每个任务提出相关战法。  相似文献   
12.
我国检察机关技术性证据审查制度呈现出保障技术性证据质量、监督制约公安机关对技术性证据的取证水平、弥补相关人员不出庭的制度局限、促进检察机关重新配置资源等功能特点。检察机关针对审查技术性证据的文件扩展了技术性证据的范围,明确了进行审查的有专门知识的人的来源与条件,规定了审查人员的安全、费用各项保障与审查人员的义务。但从制度史的阐释而言,证据审查制度仍面临制度定位不清晰、配套机制不流畅以及内部技术资源短缺等问题。为落实检察机关对技术性证据的有效审查,充分发挥技术性证据在案件中的应有作用,不仅需要明确将技术性证据审查意见书仅作为审判参考,将技术审查人员定位于专家辅助人的角色,而且还应建立技术性证据审查专门制度,进一步完善技术性证据的审查范围与启动条件,合理配编司法技术人员、建立技术专家名单、鼓励帮助技术人员提升业务能力。  相似文献   
13.
在纠正冤案的意义十分重大。冤案纠正后的受益者首先是国家和社会,其次才是无辜者及其家属。国家应承担纠正冤案的首要责任。我们应当思考、呼吁、推动和营造一个有助于使冤案得以昭雪的制度空间。这种制度空间强调的是,以个人权利尤其是犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的权利为根本,靠制度本身的力量来纠正冤案,公开更多的冤案文本,鼓励学者们对其成因和预防等问题的研究,保护新闻媒体对冤案曝光和跟踪监督的权利。因此,需要建立冤案的救济途径,给冤案的平反昭雪以制度上的保障。在西方国家,要纠正错案总是存在很大的阻力,但是,总的说来,法治国家的伸冤机制明显优于中国。现有被告人上诉、申诉、检察院抗诉、法院主动提起再审昭雪冤案的方式之外,应当适时建立适合我国国情,能够主动发现冤案的纠错机制。  相似文献   
14.
Abstract

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict.  相似文献   
15.
网络舆论作为一种新的舆论形式,其发展状况和影响已引起了全社会的普遍关注。网络舆论影响力既有积极的一面,也有消极的一面,对其积极的影响,我们要充分利用,发挥其应有的作用;对于负面的效应,则要采取相应的举措,使危害性降到最低。  相似文献   
16.
17.
周红阳 《河北法学》2007,25(3):7-10
在<理想国>描述的洞穴比喻中,隐含了哲人/真理为民众/意见立法的复杂关系.哲人/真理之所以要跨越本身的边界去为民众/意见立法,而不是隐匿自身、远离民众/意见,是由于民众/意见正是哲人/真理之得以成为哲人/真理的前提条件.哲人/真理必须进入民众/意见的世界,否则就根本不可能有关于哲人/真理的任何意义.哲人立的法就是要民众通过一定的规矩去发现自然正确,在朝圣的路途之中对于真正的思敞开大门,发现、显示自身的所是并揭示存在.法律正是民众"成人"的法门.  相似文献   
18.
The impact of terrorist events on attitude formation and change among mass publics has been well established in political research. Still, no individual-level study has examined the impact of terrorist attacks on political participation. This article aims to fill that gap. Drawing on theories of affect, it is predicted that fear stemming from a terrorist attack will increase motivation to seek out political information, yet will have a negative effect on actual participation. On the contrary, anger will hinder information seeking but will boost the intention to participate in political rallies. These hypotheses are tested using data from a two-wave panel study that collected one wave before and a second wave after the January 2015 Paris attacks, and from one cross-sectional study carried out soon after the November 2015 attacks.  相似文献   
19.
This article explores two theoretical possibilities for why personal health may affect political trust: the psychological‐democratic contract theory, and the role of personal experience in opinion formation. It argues that citizens with health impairments are more likely to experience the direct effects of political decisions as they are more dependent on public health services. Negative subjective evaluations of public services can lower trust levels, especially if people's expectations are high. Using European Social Survey data, the association between health and trust in 19 Western European states is analysed. The results indicate that people in poor health exhibit lower levels of trust towards the political system than people in good health. The differences in trust between those in good and poor health are accentuated among citizens with left‐leaning ideological values. The results suggest that welfare issues may constitute a rare context in which personal, rather than collective, experiences affect opinion formation.  相似文献   
20.
In the study of deliberation, a largely under‐explored area is why some participants polarise their opinion after deliberation and why others moderate them. Opinion polarisation is usually considered a suspicious outcome of deliberation, while moderation is seen as a desirable one. This article takes issue with this view. Results from a Finnish deliberative experiment on immigration show that polarisers and moderators were not different in socioeconomic, cognitive or affective profiles. Moreover, both polarisation and moderation can entail deliberatively desired pathways: in the experiment, both polarisers and moderators learned during deliberation, levels of empathy were fairly high on both sides, and group pressures barely mattered. Finally, the low physical presence of immigrants in some discussion groups was associated with polarisation in the anti‐immigrant direction, bolstering longstanding claims regarding the importance of presence for democratic politics.  相似文献   
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