对我国监护制度若干问题的法理思考

当前我国民事法律中还缺少科学完整的剥夺监护权和受赡养权的明确规定,应设置监护监督制度的必要性,同时在借鉴国外发达国家一些有益的做法的基础上,以完善我国的民事监护制度。     

Elite communication and affective polarization among voters

How does elite communication influence affective polarization between partisan groups? Drawing on the literature on partisan source cues, we expect that communication from in- or outgroup party representatives will increase affective polarization. We argue that polarized social identities are reinforced by partisan source cues, which bias perceptions of elite communication and result in increased intergroup differentiation. Further, we expect that the effect of such source cues is greater for voters with stronger partisan affinities. To evaluate our hypotheses, we performed a survey experiment among about 1300 voters in Sweden. Our analyses show that individuals who received a factual political message with a source cue from an in- or outgroup representative exhibited higher affective polarization, especially when they already held strong partisan affinities. This suggests that political elites can increase affective polarization by reinforcing existing group identities, and that this occurs in conjunction with biased interpretation of elite communication. The results improve our understanding of how political elites can influence affective polarization and add to previous research on party cues and attitude formation by demonstrating that such source cues can also increase intergroup differentiation.     

Do citizens care about government debt? Evidence from survey experiments on budgetary priorities

Ever since the Great Recession, public debt has become politicised. Some research suggests that citizens are fiscally conservative, while other research shows that they punish governments for implementing fiscal consolidation. This begs the question of whether and how much citizens care about debt. We argue that debt is not a priority for citizens because reducing it involves spending and tax trade-offs. Using a split-sample experiment and a conjoint experiment in four European countries, we show that fiscal consolidation at the cost of spending cuts or taxes hikes is less popular than commonly assumed. Revenue-based consolidation is especially unpopular, but expenditure-based consolidation is also contested. Moreover, the public has clear fiscal policy priorities: People do not favour lower debt and taxes, but they support higher progressive taxes to pay for more government spending. The article furthers our understanding of public opinion on fiscal policies and the likely political consequences of austerity.     

知识产权诉讼中技术调查官制度的若干问题研究——以技术调查意见为视角

技术调查官制度是审理知识产权案件中查明技术事实的重要制度.技术调查官根据法官的指令参与诉讼审理的全过程并对查明的技术事实出具技术调查意见.由于我国的现行规定存在局限性,导致技术调查意见在司法实践的适用过程中出现诸多问题,比如适用范围的界定不清、适用程序中是否公开以及具体适用方式等问题.为了有效规范技术调查意见的具体适用...     

网络舆论危机事件中公众失范行为及矫正

网络空间的蓬勃发展为舆论传播开拓了便捷性渠道的同时也带来了舆论危机事件,社会热点问题言论在网络平台传播时被无限扭曲和放大,对网络安全和社会秩序产生极大影响。透视公众在危机事件不同阶段中的心理取向和行为表现,将公众失范行为归结为信息层面的失范行为、行动层面的失范行为和情绪层面的失范行为,并指出矫正公众失范行为,化解网络舆论危机需要加强网民公共理性精神教育并构建网络社会安全阀系统。     

When long-distance relationships don't work out: Representational distance and satisfaction with democracy in Europe

We assess the impact of party representation on satisfaction with democracy. Our proposition is that such representation is not only about having a chosen party in government; citizens also derive satisfaction from having their views represented by a political party. We test this through an individual-level measure of policy (in)congruence: the ideological distance between a voter and his or her closest party. Via multi-level modelling of European Election Study data from 1989 to 2009, we find that perceived policy distance matters: the further away that voters see themselves from their nearest party – on either a left-right or a European unification policy dimension – the less satisfied they are with democracy. Notably, this effect is not moderated by party incumbency or size. Voters derive satisfaction from feeling represented by a nearby party even if it is small and out of office. Our results caution against a purely outcomes-driven understanding of democratic satisfaction.     

Social identity and coethnic voting in the Middle East: Experimental evidence from Qatar

What explains widespread coethnic voting in the Middle East? The prevailing understanding revolves around clientelism: the view that MENA citizens support coethnic parties and candidates in order to most easily or effectively extract resources from the patrimonial state. Previous research has thus neglected non-economic explanations of ethnic-based preferences and outcomes in MENA elections, including social biases long identified in other settings. This study presents findings from a conjoint survey experiment in Qatar, where symbolic elections lack distributional implications. Consistent with expectations derived from social identity theory, results reveal strong favoritism of cosectarian candidates, whereas objective candidate qualifications do not affect voter preferences. Bias is especially strong in a policy domain – promoting religious values – that prompts respondents to consider the candidate’s ethnic identity. Findings offer clear evidence that ethnic-based voting in Qatar and likely elsewhere is not merely epiphenomenal but can reflect actual preferences for members of social in-groups.     

疫情危机下社会大众意见治理反思

新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情发生以来,社会舆论纷繁复杂,在一定程度上影响了疫情防控工作的进行。同时,社会大众意见趋于分裂,将对我国治理体系和治理能力构成较大挑战。疫情危机下,社会意见治理应从三个方面入手,即保障公民言论自由,规范言论行为,壮大高扬主流思想舆论。在保障言论自由、区别对待不同意见、社会合力治理原则指导下,形成规范社会言论行为以进行“治”、壮大抗疫主流思想舆论以进行“理”的社会意见治理思路,以期较为客观全面地缓解社会疫情意见压力,在社会舆论场域弘扬主旋律,为打赢疫情防控阻击战提供良好的舆论环境,减少舆情次生危害。     

互联网时代网络舆论引导机制的构建研究

互联网是社会生活中表达民意、畅通民情、汇聚民智的重要渠道,其影响力越来越大。因此,迫切需要加强网络舆论引导机制建设。在新形势下,针对我国网络舆论引导机制存在的一些问题,进一步做好网络舆论引导工作,必须在遵循柔性管理、第一时间、主流引导和疏堵结合原则的前提下,加快建立快速反应的网络舆论引导机制。     

Parties are always right: the effects of party cues and policy information on attitudes towards EU issues

Abstract

This article analyses the influence that political parties exert upon citizens’ opinions about European Union issues. By measuring at the same time the content and source effects on political attitudes, the article considers the possibility that voters pay less attention to the arguments used in a political message than to its source. Results from an online survey experiment in Spain show that partisan voters use a heuristic model of processing when taking positions on an unfamiliar EU issue, even though the prevalence of the source effect is moderated by the respondent’s political sophistication and party attachment. The results also indicate that some respondents tend to pay less attention to a message’s content when the message comes from their preferred party. Such findings raise concerns about the possibility for EU issue voting to guarantee the accountability of political elites and party–voter linkages.