Fighting to win: Wartime morale in the American public

The ingredients of wartime morale are the subject of lively debate, with casualties, prospect of victory, and elite cues representing the major points of view. This research covers the wars in Korea and Vietnam with expanded time series of public support and rare surveys that probed perceptions of victory during those military interventions. The prospect of victory affected wartime morale during both of those conflicts. It did so quite uniformly in the American public, cutting across elite cues such as partisanship.     

群体性事件中公安工作舆情导控机制研究

在网络信息化的今天,舆情在群体性事件发生过程中的作用举足轻重.公安机关在处置群体性事件中要摆正自己的位置,从舆情导控的基础、举措、关键、保障、坚实力量以及“终极防线”六个方面着手,建立公安工作舆情导控的新机制,做到“到位”而不“越位”,本着为人民服务的思想,切实做到保护人民的根本利益,有效减少和妥善处置群体性事件.     

RECONSIDERING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PERCEIVED NEIGHBORHOOD RACIAL COMPOSITION AND WHITES’ PERCEPTIONS OF VICTIMIZATION RISK: DO RACIAL STEREOTYPES MATTER?*

Recent theoretical extensions of threat theory have posited that Whites frequently view Blacks as a criminal threat because of stereotypes linking race and crime. Several studies have found indirect support for this hypothesis and have shown that the percentage of neighborhood residents who are Black is positively associated with the perceptions of victimization risk and fear of crime by White residents. To date, however, little research has investigated whether, as theory would suggest, this relationship is either a consequence of or is contingent on Whites holding stereotypes of Blacks as criminals. In this article, we address this issue by examining whether racial typification of crime mediates or moderates the relationships between static and dynamic measures of neighborhood racial composition and the perceptions of victimization risk by Whites. The results offer mixed support for the threat hypothesis and show that racial typification of crime conditions the relationship between perceived changes in neighborhood racial composition and the perceptions of victimization risk by Whites, but neither explains nor influences the association between static measures of racial composition and the latter. The implications of the findings for threat theory and research are discussed.     

Crime Volume and Law and Order Culture

The literature on public opinion about crime and justice has neglected the exploration of macro‐ or community‐level influences on individual‐level attitudes. A key macrofactor that may be related to individual level attitudes is the volume of violent crime. High crime rates can facilitate the development of a culture of “law and order,” a response that may be a practical or instrumental attempt to control crime. The present paper tests the hypothesis that persons residing in nations marked by a high volume of crime will be more likely to adhere to elements of a law and order culture. It employs data from the International Social Science Program (N = 15,024). Controls are taken from major theoretical perspectives on public opinion about crime as well as demographic factors. The results from a hierarchical linear model support the hypothesis that individuals residing in nations with high crime rates are more likely than others to support law and order ideologies. The findings extend the support for this relationship from research based on the US alone to other industrialized societies.     

网络民意下的司法公正——以“药家鑫案”为例

互联网为民众提供了新的民主参政方式,它打破了信息垄断,降低了公民政治参与成本,开辟了网上民主监督的新时代。网络民意对司法的监督在一定程度上促进了司法的公开与公正,与此同时,网络民意的“非理性”与“情感性”也给司法审判带来了巨大的压力。因此需要对网络民意有一个客观的认识,并通过规范引导网络民意,提升司法公信力,实现网络舆论和司法公正的良性互动。     

提高应对涉检网络舆情的能力

应对涉检网络舆情,是新时期树立检察机关职业形象和公信力的要求。目前,硷察机关在应对网络舆情危机方面还显得比较薄弱：舆情危机意识不强,不重视网络媒体作用,缺乏网络舆情突发事件的应急预案,少数人员的作作风以及腐败问题是引发舆情危机的根源。应对涉检网络舆情必须增强舆情意识和观念,主动参与和引导网络舆情;多种手段并举,提升化解网络舆情危机的能力;从涉检网络舆情危机发生的源头入手,强化检察机关自身建设,从根本上预防负面涉检网络舆情的发生。     

基于民意警务理论和人工免疫学的公安预警应急响应系统研究

随着社会治安环境的日趋复杂化以及违法犯罪行为的逐步升级,如何做好提前预警和及时应对突发性事件已经成为公安机关需要面对的新课题、新挑战。为了适应新形势下的具体要求,更好地履行公安职能,文章结合民意主导警务活动理论和人工免疫学基本原理提出了一个新的公安预警和应急响应系统方案,并通过对比传统的工作模式,分析了新系统的可行性和优势。     

论媒体审判与司法独立的冲突与协调

媒体审判现象是媒体与司法对立冲突的折射,从媒体的监督职能、司法独立的特性等角度对这一现象进行深入认识是遏制其发生的前提。同时,媒体与司法两者之间的合理协调,促进二者之间的良性互动,是实现媒体自由和司法独立的必然选择,也是一个值得长期关注和讨论的课题。因此,必须以系统性的视角对媒体审判进行规制。     

Stirring up apathy? Political disengagement and the media in the 2003 Welsh Assembly elections

This paper examines the media coverage of the 2003 Welsh Assembly elections in the context of the wider academic debate about the media's relationship with political engagement. It draws on evidence to suggest a potentially positive relationship between media use and voting, before arguing that this relationship was limited in Wales in 2003, due both to the limited penetration of the Welsh media in Wales and the election's low prominence in this media. It then examines the way in which ‘the apathy story’ dominated media coverage. Such an emphasis wrongly equated apathy with discontent with the devolution process in Wales, and dominated the issues which the public were represented as discussing, while space was rarely given to their views on policy issues. Bad news about electoral disengagement was much more likely to be emphasised than good news, while emphasis on public ‘apathy’ offered a typically negative simplification of political attitudes among the electorally disengaged. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

试析帕麦斯顿的强硬外交

帕麦斯顿是一位可与丘吉尔比肩的重要历史人物,支配当时世界上最强大国家的外交政策20余年.他的外交政策明显地具有强硬的特征,主要表现在:"支持"比利时独立、推动克里木战争和发动两次鸦片战争.其目的有三:保持欧洲均势、开拓海外市场和满足公众舆论.而英国的工业霸权和海上霸权则是其经济后盾和军事后盾.帕麦斯顿奉行非常现实的实力外交与强硬外交,以武力、战争来为英国资产者获取利益,为此不惜与法国对抗、与俄国兵戎相见、远涉重洋侵略中国.