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741.
The unusual size and persistence of the gender gap in political knowledge is perplexing in comparison to other dimensions of politics. Building on situational explanations of political engagement, this article claims that women’s and men’s specific adult roles lead to an enlargement of the gender gap in knowledge. The present study analyses men and women’s levels of political knowledge at different life stages by means of two unique datasets specifically collected to measure what people know about politics. Findings show that adult roles provide more opportunities for men to gain political knowledge than for women. Furthermore, the comparison of levels of political knowledge in two such dissimilar countries as Finland and Spain suggests that while gender equality policies are successful in tearing down some of the obstacles that hinder women’s contact with the political world, they are still insufficient to completely bridge the gender gap in political knowledge during adulthood.  相似文献   
742.
三千年来,在具体的自然生态和社会生态背景下,形成了权力精英主导中国社会的格局。顶层的权力精英一方面倚重社会精英维护其统治,另一方面又为了统治的长久,抑制中下层权力精英和社会精英势力的恶性膨胀。今天,以权力精英主导社会的格局依然存在;但较之古代社会,又呈现出权力、经济、知识三大精英群体整合的态势。这使得整个社会体系越来越缺乏弹性,中华民族面临着严峻的挑战,主导着社会格局的权力精英的执政能力正经受着考验。  相似文献   
743.
社会主义和谐文化建设,是一个包含多方面内容的系统工程。其中,形成良好的和谐文化氛围、营造和谐的舆论环境、形成和谐社会风尚等,是社会主义和谐文化建设的三个重要表现层面。我们应抓好这三个重要表现层面的工作,建设好社会主义和谐文化,为社会主义和谐社会建设服务。  相似文献   
744.
本研究评估了中国公民对警察的信任程度,并探讨了影响公众对警察信任程度的因素。就目前来看,针对中国公民对待警察的态度进行的实证研究寥寥无几。本研究以冲突理论为理论框架,通过收集中国8个城市的访谈数据,检验了性别、年龄、教育程度、收入、就业、感知政治影响力等冲突变量以及相关控制变量对中国警察公信力的影响。结果表明,这些变量对于中国公民对待警察的态度的解释力有限。青年以及政治权力较低的中国公民往往对警察的信任度较低。此外,中国公民对警察的态度还受到公共安全满意度、政府处理犯罪的能力、生活质量和政府官员腐败度的影响。同时本文也对未来研究的意义进行了讨论。  相似文献   
745.
我国的刑事审判监督制度在制度设计上,存在监督程序启动标准过于抽象、再审程序启动权设置不尽合理等缺陷.要使刑事审判监督发挥保障法律公正实施,促进公正司法的制度功能,就要赋予审判机关接受刑事审判监督的义务和责任,明确刑事审判实体监督的启动标准,构建刑事审判监督中的证明标准,将再审程序启动权赋予检察院统一行使.  相似文献   
746.
The July 1, 1987 NBC News documentary on Israel's occupation of the West Bank neglected the context of the occupation, failing to give any historical perspective on the Israeli‐Palestinian dispute. The nature of the Palestinian opposition— characterized by intransigence and violence—was virtually ignored by NBC. The unbalanced coverage of the conflict served only to confuse the viewer and distort the salient issues involved.  相似文献   
747.
    
Recent developments in EU (European Union) support literature confirm that citizen attitudes towards the EU are shaped by both input‐oriented factors relating to the procedural fairness of the system (e.g. political representation and identity) and output‐oriented factors based on the EU's capacity to yield economic benefits. This article builds on these models by suggesting a theoretical framework of support that is driven by both perceptions of the economy and political efficacy. Using data from the 2013 Eurobarometer 80.1, I find that political efficacy is a key predictor of public opinion towards the EU and that citizens who feel their voice is represented in the EU are more likely to maintain support for the EU even when their perceptions of the economy are poor. The findings in this article have particular significance to the puzzle of declining support for the EU following the onset of the ‘great recession’ in 2008.  相似文献   
748.
    
Rune Slothuus 《政治交往》2016,33(2):302-327
Despite generations of research, political scientists have trouble pinpointing the influence of political parties on public opinion. Recently, scholars have made headway in exploring whether parties in fact shape policy preferences by relying on experimental designs. Yet, the evidence from this work is mixed. I argue that the typical experiment faces a design problem that likely minimizes the extent to which parties apparently matter. Because parties have policy reputations, experimental participants may already know from real-world exposure to political debate where the parties stand before they are told in the experiment—they are “pretreated.” This study investigates how real-world political context interferes with party cue stimulus in experiments. In two experiments I show that two types of “pretreatment” from outside the experiment—exposure-based and reputation-based—dramatically moderate the effects of party cues in experiments. Moreover, the politically aware participants—who are most likely to have been pretreated before entering the experiment—are the most sensitive to this interference from real-world context. Paradoxically, experimenters are most likely to find no effect of parties at the very time that their influence is strongest outside the experiment. These findings emphasize the importance of keeping real-world context in mind when designing and analyzing experiments on political communication effects and might help reconcile disparate results of previous party cue experiments.  相似文献   
749.
This article puts forward a comprehensive framework for explaining the complex and dynamic relationship between trust in the domestic government and trust in the EU, considering time, country and individual-level variation. Using longitudinal comparative data from 32 Eurobarometer survey waves (2004–2018), we first establish that the link between attitude formation at the national and the EU supranational levels is present over time. Second, we show that during ‘extraordinary’ times of crisis the strength of that relationship intensifies. Third, we posit that the European sovereign debt crisis changed the mechanism for this relationship in two ways: during ‘extraordinary’ times, the link is much stronger in countries hardest hit by the crisis, and the relationship holds independent of individuals' political sophistication across all countries. Our findings have implications for understanding the drivers of EU support and theories of institutional trust.  相似文献   
750.
    
What affects public support for electoral reform? How does experience with different electoral systems affect people's willingness to support electoral reform? Given the salience of changes to election rules even when they are passed via the legislature and the increasing use of referenda as alternative mechanisms for change, these questions are critical to understanding when electoral reform will occur. I argue that experience (specifically, with an electoral system similar to that under consideration) affects public opinion by reducing uncertainty about the likely effects of reform and thus affects support for reform (although the direction of the effect depends on partisan bias). Moreover, I argue that experience is most important in the absence of strong party cues. I leverage subnational electoral system variation in the United Kingdom and find that experience does affect support for reform — negative experiences decrease support for reform. The results have implications for the possibility of electoral reform in the UK and beyond.  相似文献   
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