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901.
902.
全球环境治理“领导者”的蜕变:加拿大的案例   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
谢来辉 《当代亚太》2012,(1):118-139
加拿大长期以来曾是西方发达国家中积极领导全球环境治理的典范,一度也是全球气候治理的积极参与者,但是近年来却俨然蜕变为气候谈判中的"拖后腿者"。发生这种转变的原因究竟是什么?本文通过国际和国内、政治与经济多个层面的分析发现,除了美国因素以外,加拿大国内的经济形势变化和政治体制是导致其战略变化的主要原因。20世纪90年代以来,油砂大规模开发和原油出口(特别是对美国的市场依赖),导致加拿大在气候变化问题上处于比较劣势;而相关利益集团的游说,正好与加拿大松散的联邦制等制度因素相结合,导致了加拿大气候政策的转向。从这个层面上看,经济利益的变化和政治决策制度特征共同成为决定国家气候或环境战略的主要因素。在某种程度上,这一案例也反驳了发达民主国家因其制度因素必然成为全球环境保护积极支持者的命题。  相似文献   
903.
‘Globalisation’, driven by neoliberal‐based policies, can be seen to have significant impacts on ethnobotanical practices, particularly through the commercialisation of traditional knowledge and rise in identity‐based social movements. Despite its relative political and economic isolation in comparison to more ‘neoliberalised’ areas of Latin America, local‐level shifts occurring in post‐Soviet Cuba are similar to those occurring elsewhere in the region. Afro‐Cuban ritual activities have proliferated, particularly in Havana, leading to an increased dependence on the rich magico‐medicinal pharmacopoeias employed in hybridised religions such as santería and palo monte – suggesting that ‘globalisation’ may have profound, albeit indirect, implications for even the most economically marginalised countries such as Cuba.  相似文献   
904.
This study analyses the effect of local authorities in the Swiss cantonal parliaments on the allocation of special school costs. The empirical findings show that a higher share of local authorities in the cantonal legislature leads to a higher share of special school costs borne by the cantonal authorities. The effect is stronger for mayors compared to all members of local governments. Hence, mayors have a strong connection with their home municipality and use the political power of the accumulation of mandates for shifting undesirable costs from the local up to the cantonal level. This specific finding does not depend on the overall national constitutional framework, as the introduction of the NFA (Neuer Finanzausgleich) – in the course of which the federal state fully withdrew from financing special schools ‐ has not changed the magnitude of this effect.  相似文献   
905.
Relations between business, state, and civil society in Latin America are conventionally discussed in antagonistic or hierarchical terms. This article challenges this position, developing a qualitative case study tracing the activities of an informal network of Brazilian businesspersons that, over the last three decades, promoted an agenda of sustainability, transparency, and civil society participation. Drawing from concepts in social movement theory, it is argued that a dynamic movement‐like behaviour combining civil activism, organisational entrepreneurship, and fluid political alignment, allowed the group to establish lasting collaborative alliances with core actors in Brazilian democratic politics, and access relevant elite and policy‐making circles.  相似文献   
906.
Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have proliferated rapidly since the early 1990s. The ratification of these agreements matters both economically by rendering commitments legally enforceable for outward‐oriented industries and politically by revealing the domestic‐ and international‐level factors which delay or accelerate the entry into force of a PTA. This research note investigates the institutional design and domestic political determinants of the ratification duration for 270 PTAs concluded in the post‐1990 period. The Weibull survival analysis yields two main results: First, neither domestic political constraints measured through veto players nor PTA depth affect ratification spells. Second, ratification processes become more protracted in the presence of stringent formal domestic ratification requirements as well as with a higher number of partner states. These findings suggest that trade negotiators factor in the shadow of ratification in the bargaining phase but still remain subject to formal ratification hurdles and PTA membership dynamics.  相似文献   
907.
This article problematises ‘indigeneity’ by looking at the various disruptions, conflicts and fractures that the recent sale of the land for the construction of the new Cusco international airport in Chinchero, Peru, has triggered locally. In addition to examining the erosion of the peasant community model that emerged from the 1969 agrarian reform, it explores the formation of new social groupings in a context of tourism and neoliberal development. The discussion highlights the role of tourism-related, large-scale infrastructure in the production of new identity politics that challenges fixed and preconceived ideas about ‘the indigenous’ in the Andes.  相似文献   
908.
网络政治意识形态身份认同是身份政治认同的组成部分,又具有自身的特性。网络政治意识形态身份认同包括两部分:网络主流政治意识形态身份认同和网络非主流政治意识形态身份认同。网络主流政治意识形态与非主流政治意识形态都存在着解构与重构、共识与断裂、信任与质疑的可能性与现实性,增加了网络政治意识形态身份认同的复杂性。网络政治意识形...  相似文献   
909.
鄢斌 《科技与法律》2014,(2):296-312
美国公民诉讼大致可以分为公民环境民事诉讼、公民环境行政诉讼和以自然物为共同主体的环境公民诉讼三类,其主体资格认定基本遵循了以"事实上的损害"为依据的原则,同时将公民环境权作为基本权利规定于宪法中,确立并保障了环境保护组织的诉讼地位。我国当前正在修订的《环境保护法》采单一诉权模式,将公益诉讼之诉权赋予给环保组织。由于公民环境权并未在立法中具体化,同时对诉讼主体之资格认定也缺乏明确规定,实践中面临环境公益诉讼之基础权利不足和司法机关对诉讼主体资格难以判断的问题。司法实践中立法机关和最高人民法院可尽快出台相应法律解释,在借鉴美国经验基础上,打破传统诉讼法对主体资格的禁锢,构建环保组织及其成员与公民分设诉权的二元模式。  相似文献   
910.
吕静 《行政与法》2014,(12):13-16
在社会主义市场经济快速发展的大环境下,经济已经渗透到了政治的方方面面,而且对政治的影响也在日益增强,政治经济化已经成为当代中国政治的基本特征。为了满足日益提高的社会经济发展水平的需求,促进中国政治和政治经济化的快速发展,我们必须看到政治经济化对当代中国政治的影响,从而为提高我国整体经济实力打下坚实的基础。  相似文献   
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