社会变迁中的“暴动操作—暴动解除”刍议——读《新秩序下的混乱:从印尼暴动看华人的政治社会关系》有感

本文利用台湾杨聪荣博士的著作<新秩序下的混乱:从印尼暴动看华人的政治社会关系>, 分析有关暴动发生的过程,发现其中存在着统治精英和社会上的抗争力量从不同方面利用华人问题, 进行 "暴动操作",以之为政治斗争的一种特殊手段;并相应地寻找理论与实践模式来做 "暴动解除" 的设计,根据一定的方案来加以防患,减少其祸害的程度."暴动操作-暴动解除"可以当作一种客观存在的事物来加以调查研究;值此全球化区域协作、以人为本和人权主义的时代, 印度尼西亚华人可以利用境内外、国内外的社会网络, 对印度尼西亚国内少数极端主义分子的行动加以暴露, 挫败其"暴动操作";特别是, 可以利用中国和东盟的交流合作体系等平台, 参与印度尼西亚的社会发展、国家建设.这一切既敏感又复杂的活动,如能达到理想效果,则是以非政治化、非意识型态化、非族群体化的原则, 用公共行政、公共管理的方式进行操作的一种公共事务.     

海南中部民族地区旅游业滞后的成因及对策

本文认为 ,政府主导作用发挥不充分、旅游产品特色不鲜明和忽视市场的基础作用是导致海南省中部民族地区旅游业发展滞后的主要原因 ,提出了建立“五指山民族文化旅游开发区”的构想和措施     

Parties, rules and government legislative control in Central Europe: The case of Poland

A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control.     

闽东少数民族“造福工程”的调查与思考

福建省将以自愿移民搬迁的方式解决生存条件恶劣地区群众贫困问题的工作称之为“造福工程”，闽东民族乡村是“造福工程”的最早实施者与受惠者。闽东各级政府在实施这一系统性工程的过程中，从成立工作机构、制定工作计划，到筛选搬迁对象、组织实施，积累了宝贵的经验，对这一工程的考察与思考，旨在为我省今后的反贫困工作提供借鉴意义。     

试析美国华侨华人重视自身研究的意义——电视纪录片《飘在美国》引发的思考

本文试对12集电视纪录片《飘在美国》所反映出的当代美国华侨华人重视自身研究的现象进行分析,阐述了华侨华人重视自身研究的意义。文章认为,华侨华人重视自身的研究,对于促进中西文化交流、增强民族认同意识、加强与主流社会的沟通、增进各族群之间的了解,乃至改善国际关系、构建“持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界”具有十分深远的意义。     

Charismatic female leadership and gender: Pia Kjærsgaard and the Danish People's Party

ABSTRACT

Research on the leaderships and electorates of populist right-wing parties emphasizes that most of these parties are charismatic and male-dominated, both as regards their leaderships and their voters. However, while studies about the gender gap focus mainly on demand-side factors, such as electoral support, socio-economic characteristics and the voters’ attitudes towards issues such as immigration, those that analyse the role and position of gender issues are still rare. Similarly, or even more, overlooked is an analysis of the rhetoric, style, charisma and discourse of populist female leaders, such as those representative of two now well-established Scandinavian populist right-wing parties: the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People’s Party) and Norway’s Fremskrittspartiet (FrP, Progress Party). Both parties have long been led by women although Pia Kjærsgaard of the DF recently stepped down, leaving the party leadership to Kristian Thulesen Dahl, a man of the younger generation of party members; Siv Jensen in Norway smoothly followed the long-term and charismatic leadership of Carl I. Hagen in 2006. The main focus of the paper, however, is on Pia Kjærsgaard, discussing the role gender plays in relation to her style, rhetoric and/or discursive strategies, but also in the gendered constructions featured in the Danish mainstream media. In the article, Meret also refers to the case of Marine Le Pen and the Front national (FN) in order to consider whether the Nordic cases represent a specific framework for female leadership, highly influenced by context and opportunity.     

A Belated Debate

The three televised leaders’ debates dominated the 2010 general election campaign. The House of Lords Communications Committee report on Broadcast General Election Debates is the product of a welcome but belated public inquiry into their organisation and conduct. The report is supportive of the view that ‘broadcast general election debates should take place during future campaigns’ and makes a number of cautious recommendations to the broadcasters. At the time of writing it was unclear whether the format proposed by the broadcasters for 2015 would be an improvement on that for 2010—or even if there would be any debates at all.     

How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position

Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government.     

论我国执行当事人的变更与追加制度的完善

民事执行程序是为保障主体的民事权利而设的,在整个诉讼程序中具有重要的作用。我国现行法律对执行当事人的规定存在诸多不足。为保障胜诉者的权利,使生效判决不致成为一纸空文,在当前“执行难”问题一直困扰法院的情况下,完善我国执行当事人变更和追加制度显得更加具有意义。     

强化民主党派特色为中华民族复兴增添新力量

民主党派是实现中华民族伟大复兴的重要力量,民主党派具有的特色是其存在和发展的立足之基,力量之源.新时期,必须进一步强化民主党派特色、发挥民主党派的特殊功能作用,努力为中华民族伟大复兴增添新力量.