关于推动农村信息化向纵深发展的几点思考

农村信息化建设是一项复杂长期的系统工程,当前农村信息化建设还存在着很多困难和实际问题,迫切需要我们面向实际,因地制宜,尽快健全信息组织机构,提高农村基层对信息化的认识水平,整合资源,建立和完善农村信息化建设的长效机制,推动农村信息化建设不断向纵深发展。     

Responding to the New Europe and the Crisis: The Adaptation of Sub-national Governments' Strategies and its Effects on Inter-governmental Relations in Spain

This article analyses the evolution of the institutional setting that the Spanish multi-level system provides for regional European Union (EU) adaptation, and the effects that recent developments of the EU (the Eastern enlargement, the Treaty reform process and the Euro-zone crisis) have had on the more or less pro-European positions and adaptive strategies of Spanish regions and on inter-governmental arrangements. It thus describes the increasing institutionalization of regional participation and EU policy coordination, both at the domestic and supra-national level, and the evolution of regional strategies, looking at its effects both on the degree of vertical and horizontal coordination, and the actual relative power and discretion of both levels of government. It argues that regional strategies have increasingly become more defensive and less pro-European and that increasing participation in European matters seemed to have favoured multi-lateralism and increased coordination without having produced further centralization until the recent crisis and associated budget consolidation targets induced new coordination requirements and a centralization of power towards the central government and EU authorities. This has, as a side-effect, reinforced some centrifugal tendencies of the system and therefore may affect the operation of IGR.     

Building European Union capacity to manage transboundary crises: Network or lead‐agency model?

In recent years, the European continent has witnessed a substantial number of “transboundary crises” – crises that cross geographical borders and affect multiple policy domains. Nation states find it hard to deal with such crises by themselves. International cooperation, thus, becomes increasingly important, but it is not clear what shape or form that cooperation should take. This article explores the growing role of the European Union (EU) in managing transboundary crises. More specifically, it reflects on the different ways in which the expanding contours of the EU's emerging crisis capacity can be organized. Using three “performative dimensions” – sense‐making, coordination, and legitimacy – the article discusses the possible advantages and disadvantages of a decentralized, network model and compares it with a more centralized, lead‐agency model. It concludes that the current network model is a logical outcome of the punctuated and fragmentary process through which EU crisis management capacities have been created. It also notes that the shortcomings of this model may necessitate elements of a lead‐agency model. Such “agencification” of networks for transboundary crisis management may well lead to a hybrid model that is uniquely suited for the peculiar organizational and political creature that the EU is.     

渔村产业转型后渔民发展困境与反思——以平潭县东美村、山边村为例

九十年代以来平潭很多渔村陆续进行了产业转型,渔民职业构成也发生很大变化。2008年渔民普遍投资的海洋运输业遭受金融危机重创,如今很多渔民、渔村面临诸多发展困境。渔民产业转型失利反映了渔民自身投资的盲目性、传统社会资本的弊端以及政府相关政策和管理的缺位等。解决渔民、渔村目前面临的困境需要政府政策的大力支持,整合旅游资源,走休闲渔业道路,积极培育民间渔业行会组织,并通过渔业权制度的完善来保障渔民的利益。     

公民身份的扩展与欧盟区域人权保护原则

在全球化的推动下,区域政府间的政治联盟和公民身份都获得巨大发展,成为区域法治的重要力量.承载着自由权利、政治权利和社会权利的公民身份,为区域法治提供了合法性基础,从而成为区域人权保护原则的主体性力量;公民身份的结构性联系和基本权利的内在勾连意味着,公民身份的理念与制度的扩展必然要求在区域人权保护中坚持一体保护原则、多重保护原则和司法保护原则.     

当代党外代表人士的新特点、发展趋势及成长的基本轨迹——以武汉市历任党外副市长为例

党的十八大报告明确提出"健全社会主义协商民主制度"和"选拔和推荐更多优秀党外代表人士担任各级国家机关领导职务"的两大政治任务,对统一战线的理论创新和工作创新都提出了新的更高要求。因此,加快党外代表人士队伍建设,同时加强党外代表人士工作理论研究就成为建设"中国式民主"的一项重大命题。本文从当代党外代表人士的时代新特点、发展变化趋势和成长规律三个维度,以武汉市的五位党外副市长为典型例证,进行探讨。     

金炳镐和当今中国的马克思主义民族理论研究--兼论中国民族理论学科发展和学科体系建设

金炳镐是当今中国马克思主义民族理论研究领域的开拓者和领军人物之一.他在诸多领域都取得了卓越的成就,最主要的是在对马克思主义民族理论和当代中国民族问题的研究方面,表现出了总结性、成熟性和创新性三个特点.其著作<民族理论通论>在马克思主义民族理论学科体系中居于核心地位.     

Campaigning in a Direct Democracy: Three Case Studies

This research note focuses on Switzerland's relationship with the EU, and the role direct democracy plays in this relationship. Specifically, the research question asked is whether behaviour on the part of the campaigners can be understood through the lens of Riker's so‐called dominance principle: “when one side successfully wins the argument on an issue, the other side ceases to discuss it” (Riker 1993: 81). One corollary of the dominance principle is that there will tend to be a concentration on a smaller and smaller number of arguments over the course of a campaign, because campaigners are induced to focus on a small subset of issues, their “winning issues”. On the basis of a data set consisting of campaign advertisements appearing in Swiss newspapers in the four‐week periods before the EU‐related 1992, 2000 and 2001 votes, the analysis actually shows little evidence of any concentration of arguments. The research note concludes by considering some implication of this for Swiss direct democracy.     

Support for radical left ideologies in Europe

This article examines support for radical left ideologies in 32 European countries. It thus extends the relatively scant empirical research available in this field. The hypotheses tested are derived mainly from group‐interest theory. Data are deployed from the 2002–2010 European Social Surveys (N = 174,868), supplemented by characteristics at the country level. The results show that, also in the new millennium, unemployed people and those with a lower income are more likely to support a radical left ideology. This is only partly explained by their stronger opinion that governments should take measures to reduce income differences. In contrast to expectations, the findings show that greater income inequality within a country is associated with reduced likelihood of an individual supporting a radical left ideology. Furthermore, cross‐national differences in the likelihood of supporting the radical left are strongly associated with whether a country has a legacy of an authoritarian regime.     

Converging on euroscepticism: Online polity contestation during European Parliament elections

Does the increasing politicisation of Europe signify a step towards the legitimation of the Union? This could be the case if the increased public intensity of debate and polarisation of opinion brought about by politicisation do not fragment the audience and if arguments presented in public are sufficiently clear about the desired nature of the polity. To answer this question, the focus of this article is on dynamic contestation in the public sphere using original data of news platforms and political blogs in 12 EU Member States and transnational websites during the European Parliament election campaign of 2009. The results are, first, that diffuse eurosceptic evaluations dominate public debates despite large variation in the intensity of debate across Member States. Second, a majority of evaluations made, particularly those by citizens leaving comments online, are negative in all countries included in this study. A gap between elites and citizens persists, but it appears less pronounced than often proclaimed in the literature. And third, democracy is a primary concern in EU polity contestation, especially for those evaluating the EU negatively. Although little evidence is found of a fragmentation of audiences, the prominence of diffuse euroscepticism poses a major challenge to legitimation of the Union.