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151.
本文对网络诽谤犯罪案件载体与形式进行了重新评估,并解释了刑法扩张的合理性,试图从诽谤犯罪规制的价值选择出发,考察域外法制,平衡社会公益与公民权利,平衡言论自由与公民人格尊严,提出修正现行法律规范的建议,或加强公权力救济、强化现行法律框架下的侦查权合理运行。 相似文献
152.
为贯彻落实国家六部委制定的《铁路运营食品安全管理办法》,规范铁路餐饮服务和食品流通许可工作,原铁道部制定了《铁路餐饮服务和食品流通许可管理办法》。但在执行过程中,发现在许可的条件、提交的材料、现场核查与结果判定、撤销许可的情形等方面存在问题,在此提出讨论。 相似文献
153.
This article examines electoral malapportionment by illuminating the relationship between malapportionment level and democracy. Although a seminal study rejects this relationship, we argue that a logical and empirically significant relationship exists, which is curvilinear and is based on a framework focusing on incumbent politicians' incentives and the constraints they face regarding malapportionment. Malapportionment is lowest in established democracies and electoral authoritarian regimes with an overwhelmingly strong incumbent; it is relatively high in new democracies and authoritarian regimes with robust opposition forces. The seminal study's null finding is due to the mismatch between theoretical mechanisms and choice of democracy indices. Employing an original cross-national dataset, we conduct regression analyses; the results support our claims. Furthermore, on controlling the degree of democracy, the single-member district system's effects become insignificant. Australia, Belarus, the Gambia, Japan, Malaysia, Tunisia, and the United States illustrate the political logic underlying curvilinear relations at democracy's various levels. 相似文献
154.
Mixed-member proportional electoral systems (MMP) are widely praised because they combine the direct, personal election of MPs from single-seat constituencies with a proportional seat allocation. However, the size of the proportional tier matters for the question of whether the system's overall proportionality is preserved. Hence, a key challenge for constitution-makers and scholars is finding the right balance between district and proportional seats, so as to maximise district representation and guarantee proportional representation.This paper develops the first theoretical model that helps to locate this sweet spot for district and party seats. The novel solution builds on Taagepera's “logical models” about party sizes. The model is tested on 58 national parliamentary elections under MMP rules. 相似文献
155.
When the number of seats to be elected in the districts of an electoral system is not proportional to their population, the cost of seats in raw votes tends to vary across districts. Malapportionment generates partisan bias when some parties do better (worse) in the districts where seats are cheaper (costlier) than in other districts. While existing research has focused on the exogenous determinants of malapportionment, in this article we argue that malapportionment also derives from the strategic decisions of ruling elites to maximize their legislative representation. The degree of malapportionment in newly democratized countries increases when ruling policymakers have reliable ex ante information about the geographical distribution of partisan support, and the authoritarian incumbent, at the moment of democratic transition, is strong. Our arguments are tested with original data from 60 third and fourth-wave democracies at national and district levels. 相似文献
156.
复杂产品系统创新能力的构成与管理策略 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文简要回顾了技术创新能力以及构成要素的研究文献,结合复杂产品系统创新过程的特性,界定了复杂产品系统创新能力的概念,分析了复杂产品系统创新能力的构成要素。并提出了管理策略。 相似文献
157.
化学品是现代文明社会重要的物质基础,被广泛应用于各个领域.全球化学品产量从1930年的100万吨发展到今天的4亿吨.作为化学品生产和使用的大国,我国市场上流通的化学品数以万计,但是针对现有化学品的环境管理尚处于落后阶段.本文针对我国化学品生产使用与立法管理相脱节的情况,分析了我国现有化学品环境管理立法的必要性和可行性,提出了立法的指导思想和框架,并给出了具体的制度设计,以期使我国现有化学品环境管理尽早实现有法可依,从而达到保护公民身体健康和促进环境无毒的目的. 相似文献
158.
Tracey Arklay Anne Tiernan Hugh White 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2011,70(4):365-376
Successive Australian Defence Ministers have been frustrated and occasionally embarrassed by the quality of advice and information provided to them by the Defence organisation. Decades of reviews and reorganisations have failed to find solutions to the special difficulties that Defence faces in providing accurate, timely information and advice to ministers across the broad spectrum of their responsibilities. This article argues that there are multiple explanations for the concerns that are frequently expressed about its policy advisory capacity – most of which are inherent to Defence organisations around the world. While the Defence culture of secrecy is partly responsible, other factors such as the scale of Defence's operations, the multiple cultures that exist within it (military, civilian, and intelligence) that make coherence harder than in more homogenous departments, the long‐time horizons of defence planning as well as the high costs of procurement, must also be considered. The erosion of trust between the organisation and minister has been exacerbated by the intense scrutiny of the media that overburdens ministers and adds another layer of complexity to their role. As history shows, there are push and pull factors that continue to embroil ministers in the minutiae of defence difficulties, while the complexity and scale of operations will undoubtedly continue to impact on the timeliness of advice. 相似文献
159.
坚决惩治和有效预防腐败,关系人心向背和党的生死存亡。晋城市近年来惩防体系建设取得了一定的成效,教育防范重点突出,制度建设不断创新,监督制约形成机制,改革推动坚定有力,纠风矫正成效明显,惩治追究形成合力,科技防腐积极探索。但惩防体系建设目前还面临许多制约因素,反腐倡廉教育形式单一,失之于“弱”,制度落实执行难度大,失之于“虚”,监督渠道不畅缺乏手段,失之于“软”,领导干部作风建设问题突出,失之于“律”。为进一步加强惩防体系建设,必须强化反腐倡廉教育,增强教育效果;加强制度执行力,注重制度创新;改革和完善监督体制,拓宽监督渠道;继续利用科技手段,加强网络反腐。 相似文献
160.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(2):187-203
The third sector, traditionally considered in the Italian welfare state as a residual actor of social policies, has increasingly engaged itself in various types of partnerships and collaborative planning processes with the local authority in recent years. In the rhetoric of welfare reform, third sector organizations play an important role, for they contribute to regenerating local democracy, stimulating communities, and fighting social exclusion. The article examines 12 local area plans, which have been realized in eight regions of Italy since 2000, by relying on empirical data and interviews. The article concludes that the so-called co-governance of local welfare can produce very different levels of democratization and improvement of social programs. In some areas, it may be that valorizing the third sector can effectively renew social policies, while in others the exact reverse may happen. The article offers an analysis of the main factors that influenced this result. 相似文献