经济全球化与西北地区的对外开放

经济全球化作为一把“双刃剑” ,在为西北地区扩大开放、促进开发提供良好机遇的同时 ,也将使西北地区面临许多挑战和风险。因此 ,西北地区一方面必须采取积极的战略 ,坚定不移地推进对外开放的全面扩大。另一方面也必须注意掌握好开放的进度、步骤和平衡 ,并通过加快改革和发展 ,不断增强国际竞争力等措施来防范和化解开放中的风险。     

扫描电镜/能谱观察溺死和死后入水的法医学应用研究

目的探讨扫描电镜/能谱分析在溺死的法医学鉴定中的作用。方法实验选用20例已知生前入水尸体,11例已知的死后入水尸体和2例陆地死亡尸体。在每个肺叶各取3个切面,每个切面用扫描电镜取样台胶面与肺叶的切面充分接触,另在落水地点取水样一份,进行对比。扫描电镜取样台胶在切面上充分接触后封闭取材盒,真空干燥后,直接在扫描电镜下进行观察。结果20例生前入水尸体在肺组织中均检出异物颗粒,并且与对照水样中检出的异物颗粒相吻合;而死后入水的尸体和在陆地上死亡的尸体肺组织中均未检出明显的异物颗粒,3者比较P<0.0001。在肺组织支气管切面中,生前入水的20例中有15例检出异物颗粒,在边缘肺切面及中间切面中分别有13例检出异物颗粒,统计学无明显差异。结论本实验建立的肺脏内异物颗粒取材方法准确可靠实用。对综合判断案件的性质,判断溺死尸体入水地点的具有积极意义。较好地解决了实验室检验中的污染问题。腐败尸体对检测结果无影响。     

Imperial Incompetence and Guatemalan Militarism, 1931–1966

Drawing of Guatemalan and US sources, this paper complicates the instrumentalist argument that US assistance and intervention explain the Guatemalan military's repeated intervention in politics, and the rise of a military government in 1963. This study contends that the US government had little to do with giving Guatemalan officers the capacity and motive to intervene in politics. However, the US did contribute to their opportunity to intervene through its opposition to regimes it opposed, as was the case in the infamous 1954 coup, and also by inadvertently weakening regimes it backed.     

论我国外商投资立法模式取向

我国外商投资立法模式应从目前的分散立法向集中立法转变。在这一转变过程中,应做好外商投资法与《公司法》的衔接工作。本文针对有些学者提出的不再保留专门外资法,将外商投资企业完全适用于《公司法》的观点发表了不同看法。     

'A Woman's Touch in Foreign Affairs'? The Career of Ambassador Frances E. Willis

Although women have now attained the top ranks of American foreign policymaking, we know relatively little about the early history of American women diplomats, and even less about one of the most important: Frances E. Willis (1899-1983), the first woman chief of mission to have emerged from the career Foreign Service. This article seeks to help fill this gap by tracing Willis' career; suggesting how she succeeded; and exploring how she approached 'the women's issue'. It argues, in part, that Willis' success stemmed from the influence of mentors; her competence, perfectionism, and self-confidence; and her refusal to make an issue of her sex. These survival strategies notwithstanding, it also concludes that Willis exhibited gender-consciousness, took pride in her accomplishments as a woman, and knowingly pursued low-key, moderate means towards feminist ends.     

新中国为和平共处概念的原则化理念化作出重大贡献--纪念和平共处五项原则诞生50周年

和平共处五项原则由中国提出,经中国、印度、缅甸三国向国际社会倡议,至今已半个世纪。它已经成为国际关系普遍准则。作为原则和理念,它是反对霸权主义、强权政治和反对侵略战争的强大思想武器。中国在对外关系和国际事务的实践中恪守和平共处五项原则,并对其内涵的发展作出了贡献。现在,许多同类思想、原则是它的引伸和发展,许多新的和平政策的倡议是在它的基础上扩展而成。在后冷战的现时代,继续高举和平共处五项原则的旗帜仍有极大的必要性。     

越南对外贸易:2007年回眸与新一年展望

2007年是越南人世后的第一年,其出口达480多亿美元.外贸发展是拉动越南经济以8.5%高速增长的主要因素之一.尽管逆差仍然居高不下,但越南外贸规模有所扩大,商品结构的调整也在向积极方向转变,出口活动的主体趋于多样化,这些都表明2007年越南外贸成绩显著.2008年越南提出出口要达到580亿美元的目标,随着政府的进一步重视以及外贸促进计划和具体措施的逐步落实,越南外贸将在新一年里取得更大成绩.     

中国对联合国的外交政策:1949-1971--以《人民日报》涉及联合国内容的文章为分析文本

通过对1949-1971年《人民日报》发表的2314篇有关联合国内容的文章进行文本分析,作者发现,“不满、谴责、批评”是这一时期中国对联合国外交的主要政策趋向。其中一个有趣的现象是,在朝鲜战争期间,中国虽然与联合国兵戎相见,但中国政府对联合国的批评是克制的、有限度的,甚至低于战前水平,此后,中国政府长期坚持对联合国的低限度批评政策。直到1959年,中国对联合国的批评度才迅速攀升,并一直保持到1969年,在其间的1966年、1967年,中国对联合国的批评度高达95.12%和92.45%。1971年中国政府对联合国的批评度下降到3.13%,达到23年的最低点。批评度的骤然下降表明,中国政府改变对联合国外交政策的进程是突变式的,而不是渐进性的,而突变动因就是1971年中华人民共和国政府恢复了在联合国的合法席位。     

The Law of the Land

This article considers the status of foreign precedents in national courts. It examines possible reasons for courts referring to them and concludes that, absent some incorporating convention, judges cannot ever be said to have an obligation to refer to them. But it also shows that there is nothing unprincipled about national courts choosing to treat foreign precedents as persuasive authority, notwithstanding that there are some good reasons, especially in the context of constitutional adjudication, for cautioning against this. It is also suggested that no satisfactory argument can be adduced to support the proposition that a national court must never rely on foreign precedent as the sole reason for modifying the indigenous common law – though it seems very unlikely that judges would ever need (still less want) to rely on foreign precedent in this way.     

The political economy of regional integration in East Asia

A widely held consensus view claims that East Asia has been shifting recently from a market-led to an institution-based form of regional economic integration, primarily as a result of the 1997–1998 financial crisis. Next to post-crisis financial cooperation schemes under the ASEAN+3, the surge of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) involving East Asian countries is thought by some to further substantiate this claim. The objective of the paper is to question the validity of this claim. By examining the current state of play of economic cooperation, in the financial and monetary areas as well as in the trade sphere, the paper highlights the limitations of the formal regional integration movement in East Asia to date, as well as the vastly different dynamics underlying the financial and trade developments. It also explores the changing nature of intra-regional trade and investment linkages and concludes that this new form of interdependence may be instrumental in changing the trade-offs of formal regional economic schemes.