History,memory and nation building in the post-Soviet colonial space

This is an article on Bolshevik nationalities policy and ethnic engineering, asking who, in fact, decided which populations belonged together as ethnic groups (narodnost') and thus had the right of national self-determination, and how the level of autonomy was determined for each ethnic unit. Scholars have dealt with Russian and Soviet nationalities issues for decades already, but they have turned their attention mainly to the larger nationalities (at the level of SSR, and to a lesser degree the levels of ASSR and autonomous oblast). I argue that the lower levels of national territorial autonomy in the Soviet Union (national okrug, raion, volost', and selsovet) are worthy of greater academic attention, at least from the ethnological point of view. Having this kind of low-level territorial autonomy has often been a question of to be or not to be for the small ethnic groups concerned, and hence the subject is connected with the question of preservation of cultural and linguistic diversity in Russia.     

Agile small state agency: heuristic plays and flexible national identity markers in Finnish foreign policy

Studies of small state foreign policy tend to draw relatively bleak conclusions when it comes to small state agency. However, I will examine alternative and more positive modalities of small state agency. One such modality is agility, the strategic maneuverability to take advantage of a chancy environment. Besides leading to dangerous rigidities and biases, particular types of foreign policy imageries and heuristics may also facilitate experimental and agile agency. In studying this possibility, Finland is chosen as an illustrative case because historically Finland has faced a particularly constraining geopolitical context and because it has managed to adapt to multiple upheavals and to different geopolitical contexts. The emphasis is on the heuristic dynamics inherent in Finnish foreign policy culture that have allowed it to actively meet the emerging challenges. Instead of taking a detailed historical approach, I seek to understand the role of the relatively flexible and combinable embodied cultural models, i.e. thick images. They allow for agency-related experimentation that may bring added value that allows Finland to exceed the constraints of the brute geopolitical position. After reviewing multiple embodied foreign policy images, I will use them to analyse New Year's speeches by the Finnish Presidents Ahtisaari and Halonen in order to see how the fickle present is made to resonate innovatively with the known, commonplace, and mythical.     

Rational or reckless? Georgia's zugzwang in the Caucasus

Although the 2008 Russian-Georgian war was a military defeat for Georgia, it has only reinforced Georgia's westward trajectory. One noteworthy difference from Georgia's pre-war policy is a new regional strategy – the North Caucasus Initiative – that seeks to create a soft power alternative to Russia's military dominance in the region. We suggest that this approach is rational rather than reckless, as some critics have claimed. It represents a carefully calculated strategy that is already benefiting Georgia and from which all concerned parties, including Russia, stand to gain. If the South and North Caucasus were more open and less divided – a direction in which this new initiative appears to point – the Caucasus could become more prosperous and more stable. That would serve Russia's long-term interest by significantly reducing the cost of subsidies to sustain and stabilize the volatile region.     

Testing for linguistic injustice: territoriality and pluralism

This article develops a linguistic injustice test. Language policy measures passing the test conflict with the normative ideal of equal language recognition. The first part of the test checks for external restrictions – language policies that grant more recognition to one language group than to another. The second part of the test checks for internal restrictions – language policies that grant more recognition to some members of a language group than to other members of the same group. The article then applies the linguistic injustice test to two models of linguistic justice: linguistic territoriality and linguistic pluralism. It is argued that real-life cases of linguistic territoriality tend to pass the test. It is argued that instantiations of linguistic pluralism tend to fail the test.     

Grassroots civil society at crossroads: staying on the path to independence or turning onto the UK Government's route to localism?

Within the context of acute public spending cuts and the increasing push towards localism, the UK government is increasingly looking outwards to community- and citizen-led action for solutions to long-term social problems and to take on public services. The extent to which these groups have the capacity and willingness to take on politicised roles beyond their purpose and function is, however, not well understood. By reflecting on findings primarily from a street-level mapping project, in this paper discussion focuses on the potential implications arising from grassroots' co-option.

La société civile au niveau de la base populaire à la croisée des chemins : rester sur le chemin de l'indépendance ou prendre la voie du gouvernement britannique vers le localisme ?

Dans le contexte des profondes coupes sombres opérées dans les dépenses publiques et de la poussée croissante vers le localisme, le gouvernement britannique se tourne de plus en plus vers l'extérieur, vers des actions menées par les communautés et les citoyens pour résoudre les problèmes sociaux à long terme et se charger des services publics. La mesure dans laquelle ces groupes ont les capacités et la volonté nécessaires pour assumer des rôles politisés qui dépassent leur finalité et leur fonction n'est pas, toutefois, bien comprise. En réfléchissant sur les constatations faites principalement dans le cadre d'un projet de cartographie au niveau des rues, la discussion de cet article porte sur les implications potentielles de la cooptation de la base populaire.

La sociedad civil de base en la disyuntiva: ¿mantener el camino de la independencia o tomar la ruta del gobierno del Reino Unido hacia el localismo?

En un contexto de severos recortes en el gasto público y de creciente impulso hacia el localismo, el gobierno del Reino Unido está fomentando cada vez más que las comunidades y los ciudadanos impulsen acciones tendientes a solucionar longevos problemas sociales y que se hagan cargo de los servicios públicos. Sin embargo, no se comprende bien hasta qué punto dichos grupos tienen la capacidad y la disposición de asumir roles politizados más allá de sus objetivos y de su función. A partir de reflexiones en torno a las conclusiones provenientes principalmente de un proyecto de mapeo a nivel de calle, el presente artículo se centra en analizar las posibles implicaciones que podrían surgir de la cooptación de los grupos de base.

Sociedade civil de base na encruzilhada: permanecendo no caminho para a independência ou voltando-se para a rota do governo do Reino Unido em direção ao localismo?

Dentro do contexto de significativos cortes nos gastos públicos e um empenho crescente em direção ao localismo, o governo do Reino Unido está cada vez mais olhando para fora para ações coordenadas pela comunidade – e cidadãos – para soluções de problemas sociais de longo prazo e contratação de serviços públicos. Porém, não se sabe muito bem até que ponto estes grupos têm capacidade e disposição de adotar funções politizadas além de seu propósito e função. Ao refletir sobre os resultados obtidos principalmente a partir de um projeto de mapeamento realizado nas ruas, a discussão deste artigo concentra-se nas implicações em potencial que surgem da opção conjunta de base.     

Improving NGO governance: practical applications of the GATE approach

Non-governmental organisations face increasing demands to be accountable and transparent. Both need sound and timely evidence. Ensuring that these demands are satisfied is a key responsibility of governance, but fulfilling this requirement is a frequent weakness. A comprehensive approach to self-analysis – known as GATE – can make governing bodies more effective by better leadership of organisational responses to such demands. GATE works by: (1) making common sense connections to visualise the links between internal operations and generation of results, reputation, and resources, which makes complexity understandable and manageable; and (2) using a question-based ‘alignment’ resource to guide discussion and decision-making.

Améliorer la gouvernance des ONG: les applications pratiques de l'approche GATE

Les organisations non gouvernementales sont soumises à des exigences croissantes de redevabilité et de transparence. L'une et l'autre nécessitent des données concrètes solides et opportunes. Les efforts pour faire en sorte que ces exigences soient satisfaites constituent une responsabilité clé de la gouvernance, mais la satisfaction de cette exigence représente un point faible fréquent. Une approche complète de l'auto-analyse – connue sous l'acronyme GATE - peut rendre les organes responsables plus efficaces en dirigeant plus efficacement les réactions organisationnelles à ces exigences. GATE fonctionne : (1) en établissant des connexions sensées pour visualiser les liens entre les opérations internes et la génération de résultats, la réputation et les ressources, ce qui rend la complexité compréhensible et gérable ; et (2) en utilisant une ressource d’« alignement » basée sur des questions pour orienter la discussion et la prise de décisions.

Mejorar la gobernanza de las ONG: las aplicaciones prácticas del enfoque GATE

Cada vez más frecuentemente, las organizaciones no gubernamentales enfrentan demandas vinculadas a su rendición de cuentas y a su transparencia. Ambos aspectos requieren de información fidedigna y oportuna. Cumplir con estas demandas representa un aspecto importante de la gestión de las organizaciones. Sin embargo, a menudo, éstas presentan debilidades en este sentido. El presente artículo, hace referencia a la implementación de una metodología integral para el autoanálisis, conocida como GATE. La misma propicia el aumento en la eficacia de la gestión de estas organizaciones, mediante un mejor liderazgo a la hora de responder a estas demandas. GATE funciona: (1) generando vinculaciones de sentido común que permiten visualizar las conexiones entre la gestión interna y la generación de resultados, la reputación y los recursos, ante lo cual, lo complejo se vuelve comprensible y más manejable; y (2) utilizando un recurso de “alineamiento”, basado en preguntas, que orienta la discusión y la toma de decisiones.

Melhorar a ONG governança: aplicações práticas da abordagem GATE

Organizações Não-Governamentais enfrentam exigências cada vez maiores para serem responsáveis e transparentes. Para ambas exigências, são necessárias evidências confiáveis e oportunas. Garantir que estas exigências sejam satisfeitas é uma responsabilidade-chave de governança, mas cumprir esta exigência é frequentemente difícil. Uma abordagem abrangente para auto-análise – conhecida como GATE – pode tornar os órgãos governantes mais efetivos através de uma melhor coordenação de respostas organizacionais para tais demandas. A GATE trabalha: (1) fazendo conexões de senso comum para visualizar as ligações entre operações internas e geração de resultados, reputação e recursos, o que torna a complexidade compreensível e gerenciável e (2) utilizando um recurso de “alinhamento” baseado em questões para orientar a discussão e a tomada de decisões.     

The Relationship Between State Government Performance and State Quality of Life

Abstract

This article examines the relationship between government performance and quality of life in the American states. We contend that the management capacity of state governments should have direct, tangible impacts on the overall social and economic well‐being of state citizenry. In order to test this idea, we examine the influence of state management capacity (using the 1999 Government Performance Project grades), alongside other economic and political variables, on two prominent measures of state quality of life—The Morgan Quitno “Most Livable State” Index and State Policy Reports' (SPP) “Camelot Index.” We find that both state economic conditions and governmental policy priorities have significant impacts on state performance levels. But, our results clearly indicate that the management capacity of state governments also contributes directly to improving the overall quality of life for state citizens.     

Continuity and change in Russia's policy toward Central and Eastern Europe

The accession of the CEE states to NATO and the European Union has put an end to the geopolitical ambiguity and implicit insecurity in the region between Russia and the so-called ‘Old Europe’. Instead of being an area of great powers' rivalry, elements of ‘buffer belts’ lacking meaningful strategic options, objects of raw Nazi-Soviet deals, or zones under Russian occupation and domination, the three Baltic States and the Visegrad group countries became full-fledged members of the European Union and were given NATO's security guarantees. By the middle of the 2000s, one would conclude that traditional geopolitics had ended in this region.However, the changes in the strategic situation in CEE have not changed the deep rooted moving forces and long-term strategic goals of the Russian policy toward the region. Moscow seeks to have the position, as its official rhetoric says, of an ‘influential centre of a multipolar world’ that would be nearly equal to the USA, China, or the EU. With this in view Moscow seeks for the establishment of its domination over the new independent states of the former USSR and for the formation of a sphere of influence for itself in Central Eastern Europe. If it achieves these goals, then Europe may return once again to traditional geopolitics fraught with great power rivalries and permanent instabilities radiating far beyond CEE borders.Yet a few questions remain. Has Russia come to the conclusion that attempting to restore its privileged position of influence in Central-Eastern Europe is wrong? Has Russia enough power to threaten the CEE countries? How credible are NATO's security guarantees? How may Russian behavior in CEE affect a wider European geopolitical context? These questions are appropriate in the light of Russia's ‘resurgence’ as a revanchist power and because Russia is, and most probably will remain in the next five to ten years, a weighty economic and strategic factor in areas along the Western borders of the former USSR.     

Reinterpreting India's Rise through the Middle Power Prism

Abstract

India's spectacular rise in recent years has been the source of hyperbolic theorising and speculation on its major power status. Middle power theory offers a set of dynamic analytical parameters which allow for re-evaluating India's global influence and identifying both strengths and weaknesses of its power projection and resources. Placing emphasis on themes of Third World leadership, good international citizenship, multilateral activism, bridge-building diplomacy, and coalition-building with like-minded states, the middle power concept can encapsulate key aspects of India's contemporary agency and account for structural dynamics which constitute a reformist world-view through the reconfiguration of the Indian state within the existing world order. Overall, middlepowermanship delineates fundamental continuities in India's foreign policy tradition, epitomises India's existing position in the neoliberal world order, while providing a good indication of the directions India will take on the global stage in the short and medium-term.