建国初期党的合法性基础与民主党派

合法性是政党执政的基础。建国初期党在对民主党派的政策与实践活动方面进行了大量探索,有效整合了社会各阶级、阶层的利益,获得了各民主党派的价值认同、制度认同和利益认同,拓展了执政的合法性资源,巩固了执政基础。     

论邓小平党政关系思想及其发展——纪念邓小平诞辰100周年

邓小平党政关系思想是建立在对政党政治和以党治国的深刻体会和把握的基础上的.邓小平早在抗日战争时期就率先提出反对以党治国和正确处理党政关系的重要思想.建国后,邓小平针对因种种复杂的历史原因,以党治国的作风在党内逐渐盛行起来,逐步形成党的"一元化"领导体制的现象,对如何正确处理党政关系,进行了长时间的深入思考,提出了一系列重要思想.今天,我们正在改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式,即用新型的党政关系逐步取代传统的党政关系,实现党政关系合理化,进一步丰富和发展邓小平关于党政关系的思想.     

Ausmaß, Strukturen und Implikationen präsidialer Macht im postkommunistischen Raum

This research note builds on recent results of the literature on presidentialism to develop a new measure of presidential power. The Index of Presidential Power (IPP) differentiates three dimensions: legitimacy, legislative and non‐legislative powers. The IPP can be used for all types of governmental systems in different political regimes. For the first time the IPP estimates presidential power granted by the constitution in all 28 post‐communist countries. This information is collected in the IPP data set, which is used to carry out analyses at the aggregate level as well as at the level of the individual presidential power dimensions. Results show that the semi‐presidential category is of little use. The comparison of the IPP with alternative indices of presidential power in post‐communist countries indicates that political analysis should give more attention to presidential power structures.     

Zwischen Kultur und Kalkül? Vertrauen und Sozialkapital im Kontext der neoinstitutionalistischen Wende

Trust and social capital work in social networks as informal institutions, favouring cooperation between the participants of such social interaction. However, the increasing use of both terms has been accompanied by vanishing conceptual and theoretical precision. In order to counterbalance this development this article tries to clarify some of the major puzzles connected with both terms. First, we embed trust and social capital within the institutionalist turn in political science. Second however, we demonstrate that trust and social capital have been modelled from at least two perspectives: sociological institutionalism and economic institutionalism. Furthermore, attempts of combining those approaches have lead to decreasing theoretical consistency. Finally, we propose that economic institutionalism is theoretically and empirically more fruitful to explain the creation and destruction of social capital.     

加强党的执政能力建设积极探索党的执政规律

加强党的执政能力建设,是一项重要而紧迫的任务。新形势下党的执政能力建设,是一项包括五种基本能力在内的系统工程。搞好执政能力建设,必须与党的思想、组织、作风、制度建设紧密结合,必须深入探索党执政的基本规律。     

Does Federalism Matter for Biopolicies? Switzerland in Comparative Perspective

This article analyses how federalism matters for the policy‐designing process and the resulting policies in the field of Assisted Reproductive Technology through the comparison of four countries, Switzerland, Germany, Belgium and Canada. It reconstructs from an actor‐centred perspective how federalism interacts with other country and policy‐field specific characteristics and empirically assesses how this interaction influenced the final policies. By focusing on Assisted Reproductive Technology, the article examines the potential influence of federalism on public policies beyond the standard discussion of the comparative political economy of federalism.     

论陈云对新时期党建理论的贡献

陈云十分重视党的建设。在改革开放和现代化建设的新时期,他深刻分析我党建设的现状和存在的问题,总结历史和现实的经验教训,在思想建设、组织建设、作风建设和政治生活上提出了一些真知灼见,对我党的建设和发展以及我国社会主义现代化建设作出了贡献。     

Mapping the production of political communications: a model to assist in understanding the relationships between the production and consumption of political messages

High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications