Since the passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972, there has been a vast body of literature demonstrating women’s difficulties integrating into all levels of law enforcement. While scholarship continues to highlight women’s experiences in the workplace, very little research has incorporated male officers into the dialogue. Using survey data collected from 324 male and female federal law enforcement officers employed by a mid-sized federal law enforcement agency, this study examines gender differences on perceptions to women’s workplace occupational barriers. We find that there are gender differences between the experiences encountered by female officers and the perception of male officers to those experiences, most notably sexual discrimination and a perceived glass ceiling to promotions. The differing perceptions are shaped by gender stereotypes and mild remnants of a masculine culture that continue to exist throughout law enforcement. 相似文献
Abstract Are organizational characteristics, such as agency type, size, and growth, linked to female representation in the Korean civil service? This study analyzes the aggregate data regarding the female workforce in the Korean civil service in 2001 through multiple regression analysis. Findings indicate that the Korean women are likely to be underrepresented in most national agencies and severely underrepresented at higher‐level grades. While the Korean women doubled in the civil service for the last two decades, employment of women at the highest grade levels did not improve significantly. Redistributive agencies are directly linked to female representation in the Korean civil service regardless of grade levels, whereas agency size and growth are not related to female employment representation. To achieve gender equality and to expand female senior executive feed levels, the Korean government has provided the quotas for successful female applicants in the civil service entrance examinations at the lowest through middle level grades since 1996. The use of quotas and policies for gender equality could lead to changes in the entire public workforce, particularly fair representation at higher‐level positions as well as the elimination of agency and occupational segregation. 相似文献
Abstract In the modern age, although East Asia represents some of the most successful economies such as Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea, and (now) China, the level of political and administrative development in the region remains controversial. One of the major indicators of such politico‐administrative development is the extent of citizen participation in governance through various democratic means, including the formation and expression of public opinion, people's involvement in government decisions and deliberations, and direct representation of citizens in governing institutions. However, the direct representation of citizens is considered one of the most effective modes of participation in institutions such as legislature, cabinet, and bureaucracy. In this regard, although the representation of women in these governing institutions has gained global significance, it still remains relatively weak in most East Asian cases. This article evaluates the extent of such women's participation in governance through representation in East Asia, examines the major factors constraining this representation, and suggests remedial alternatives to improve the situation. 相似文献
Who controls the income earned by members of women's self-help groups (SHG) from group activities – the women or their husbands? The answer indicates one dimension of the level of economic empowerment attained by SHG members. This paper examines whether identity of the person controlling the income earned depends upon the political party ruling the municipality where the SHG is situated. Two parties are considered – the Left Front, a coalition comprising of Leftist parties, and the Indian National Congress. This paper is based on a field study of 240 SHG members in six municipalities in West Bengal, India. Les participants aux groupes d'entraide pour les femmes économiquement plus habilités dans les municipalités de gauche? Qui contrôle les revenus tirés par les membres des groupes d'entraide de femmes (GEF) de leurs activités - les femmes ou leurs maris ? La réponse indique une dimension du degré d'autonomisation économique obtenu par les membres de GEF. Cet article traite de la question de savoir si l'identité de la personne qui contrôle les revenus gagnés dépend du parti politique qui régit la municipalité où se situe la GEF. Deux partis sont considérés – le Front de gauche, coalition composée des partis de gauche, et le Congrès national indien. Cet article se base sur une étude de terrain de 240 membres de GEF répartis sur six municipalités dans le Bengale-Occidental, en Inde. ¿Están los participantes en los grupos de autoayuda para las mujeres económicamente más empoderadas en los municipios de izquierda? ¿Quién controla los ingresos generados por las mujeres que participan en los grupos de autoayuda (GAA) a partir de actividades grupales: las mujeres o sus esposos? La respuesta dada a esta pregunta opera como indicador de una dimensión del grado de empoderamiento económico logrado por las integrantes de los GAA. Este artículo examina en qué medida el género de la persona que controla los ingresos depende del partido político que tenga el poder en los municipios donde existen los GAA. Para ello, se analizaron dos partidos: el Frente de Izquierda (“Left Front”), una coalición de partidos de izquierda, y el Congreso Nacional Indio (“Indian National Congress”). El artículo se basa en un estudio de campo realizado entre 240 integrantes de los GAA residentes en seis municipios de Bengal Occidental en India. São membros de grupos de auto-ajuda para mulheres economicamente mais habilitadas na esquerda municípios? Quem controla a renda ganha pelas participantes de grupos de mulheres que se auto-ajudam (Self-Help Groups - SHG) – as mulheres ou seus maridos? A resposta indica uma dimensão do nível do empoderamento econômico alcançado por membros dos SHGs. Este artigo examina se a identidade da pessoa que controla a renda recebida depende do grupo político que governa o município onde o SHG está situado. Dois grupos são examinados – a Frente Esquerda, que é uma coalizão formada por partidos da esquerda, e o Congresso Nacional Indiano. O artigo baseia-se em um estudo de campo com 240 membros de SHGs em seis municípios de Bengala Ocidental, Índia. 相似文献
Time poverty methodologies are a response to the failure of income-based measures of poverty to reflect gendered aspects of well-being. However, national time use surveys normally fail to examine issues around women and men's qualitative evaluation of their time uses, or the extent of their control over their own time. The result could be distorted policy responses which lose sight of the original intentions of time poverty as a tool to reveal gendered elements of well-being. This paper draws on the findings of a qualitative survey to asses a rural health promotion programme in Kyrgyzstan to demonstrate this point.
La pauvreté en temps, le sexe et le bien-être: les enseignements du programme kirghiz suisse suédois
Les méthodologies liées à la pauvreté en temps constituent une réponse à l’échec des mesures de la pauvreté basées sur le revenu pour traduire les aspects du bien-être liés au genre. Cependant, les études nationales sur l'utilisation du temps n'examinent pas en général les questions concernant l’évaluation qualitative par les femmes et les hommes des manières dont ils utilisent leur temps, ni la mesure du contrôle qu'ils exercent sur leur propre temps. Le résultat pourrait être des ripostes politiques déformées qui perdent de vue les intentions initiales de la pauvreté en temps comme outil visant à mettre à jour les aspects du bien-être liés au genre. Afin de démontrer cette observation, cet article s'inspire des conclusions d'une enquête qualitative menée pour évaluer un programme de promotion de la santé rurale au Kirghizistan.
Tiempo-pobreza, el género y el bienestar: lecciones del programa de Kirguistán Suiza Sueco
Las metodologías tiempo-pobreza constituyen una alternativa ante lo insuficientes que resultan las medidas de pobreza basadas en el ingreso cuando se considera el aspecto de género en el bienestar. En general, las encuestas nacionales de uso de tiempo no abordan las evaluaciones cualitativas realizadas por mujeres y hombres en relación a su uso del tiempo, así como tampoco valoran el alcance del control que tienen sobre su tiempo. Por ello, los resultados obtenidos en estos casos podrían dar pie a la elaboración de políticas equivocadas, que ignoren la intención original de las medidas tiempo-pobreza, en cuanto medidas que evidencian el factor de género en el bienestar. Este artículo se basa en las conclusiones de un estudio cualitativo, realizado con el objetivo de evaluar un programa de promoción de la salud rural en Kirguistán, el cual fue llevado a cabo para demostrar la validez de lo anterior.
Pobreza de tempo, gênero e bem-estar: lições do programa do Quirguistão Suíça Sueca
As metodologias de pobreza do tempo são uma resposta ao fracasso de medidas da pobreza baseadas na renda em refletir aspectos do bem-estar relativos a gênero. Porém, as avaliações nacionais do uso do tempo normalmente deixam de examinar questões relacionadas à avaliação qualitativa do uso do tempo por parte de mulheres e homens ou a extensão de seu controle sobre seu próprio tempo. O resultado poderia ser o de respostas de política distorcidas que perdem de vista as intenções originais da pobreza do tempo como ferramenta para revelar elementos de bem-estar relativos a gênero. Este artigo baseia-se nos resultados de uma pesquisa qualitativa para avaliar um programa de promoção da saúde rural em Kyrgyzstan a fim de demonstrar esse ponto. 相似文献
This study examines the validity of the Juror Bias Scale scores in relation to the mock juror decisions reached in two real life homicide cases before and after the deliberation process. The judicial cases used varied in terms of the ambiguity of the evidence presented at both trials. The WLS methodology for statistical modelling of categorical data was used to analyse data. The findings indicated that the Juror Bias Scale scores successfully predict the verdicts and other related questions before and after deliberations in the case with ambiguous evidence. Furthermore, deliberations caused a generalisation effect on the pretrial juror bias in such a case, and enhanced the differences between defense-biased and prosecution-biased jurors in the verdicts delivered after deliberations. The implications of these findings are discussed in relation to the use of pretrial juror bias questionnaires in jury selection. 相似文献
Abstract This paper explores how offender profiles might influence the way in which individuals interpret investigative information dependent on its congruence with the investigators’ own beliefs. Participants, comprising 222 lay people, completed an online questionnaire where a profile was either congruent or incongruent with a stereotypical or an atypical suspect who was presented before or after the introduction of the profile (resulting in eight conditions). Several cognitive strategies appeared to be used in interpreting the information. Contrary to expectations, individuals relying on representativeness heuristics were more influenced by a profile challenging their views than by one supporting them, whilst individuals who invested greater cognitive effort (termed hereafter “cognitive elaboration”) were more resistant to changing their views in light of disconfirming profiling advice. There was tentative evidence to suggest that a confirmation bias might occur when individuals engage in cognitive elaboration, such that individuals appeared to be more influenced by a confirming profile than by a disconfirming one. Finally, it was found that the profile was perceived to be more influential when presented before the introduction of a suspect than after. Implications for advising on the interpretation of such advice, as well as preparing such reports, are discussed. 相似文献
The own-race bias (ORB) suggests that recognition for faces of one's own race is superior to recognition of other-race faces. A popular explanation for the ORB is amount of interracial contact, which may have cohort effects for older and younger adults. We compared White younger and older adults on the ORB utilizing a hybrid facial recognition and full diagnostic lineup (i.e., simultaneous and sequential target absent and target present lineups) paradigm. Both younger and older adults demonstrated an ORB. Signal detection estimates suggest younger adults compared to older adults have better discrimination accuracy for own-race over other-race faces. Interracial contact did not explain recognition for younger adults, but was related to a shift in response criterion for older adults. 相似文献
Abstract 296 college students and jury eligible adults completed attitudinal measures and read a case summary of a murder trial involving the insanity defense. The case summary included opening and closing arguments, testimony from expert witnesses, and judge's instructions. Although broader legal attitudes (the PJAQ) predicted verdicts, the Insanity Defense Attitudes-Revised scale provided incremental predictive validity. Attitudes related to the insanity defense also predicted adherence to judge's instructions, whereas more general legal biases predicted a juror's willingness to change their verdict after being provided with accurate information about the defendant's disposition following the verdict. Importantly, misconceptions concerning the insanity defense impacted verdicts and many jurors made decisions that failed to adhere to the judge's instructions, though the nullification tendency does appear to vary as a function of pretrial juror attitudes. Implications for instructing jurors in insanity defense cases will be discussed. 相似文献
In a 1990 article, Amartya Sen observed “More than 100million Women … Missing” from the populations of parts of south and east Asia. Direct observation and census data suggested that gender ratios deviated sufficiently from what is known to be normal in modern human populations to suggest that the phenomenon was not random. Researchers have explored major proximate causes of “missing” girls and women such as female-selective abortion, routine neglect of young girls in their families including differential access to modern medical care, and even infanticide. This article uses Sen's work and the research of others on Asia to compare with evidence of the disadvantaging or even “mortal neglect” of girls and women in Western European society in the early modern and modern periods — roughly from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. It argues that the current state of the evidence suggests little support for similar gender-specific forms of mortal neglect in Western Europe. It explores why this may have been so, using evidence from economic, social, demographic and religious life. 相似文献