Failed aid: how development agencies are neglecting and marginalising Rwandan genocide survivors

This Viewpoint argues that international development aid agencies have failed adequately to address the rights and needs of genocide survivors in Rwanda. It illustrates that genocide survivors remain impoverished and marginalised, and that development aid agencies only tangentially, if at all, acknowledge their vulnerability and take steps to empower them to realise their rights. It provides examples of aid programmes that are reaching genocide survivors and urges development aid agencies in Rwanda to design and implement programmes explicitly for genocide survivors.     

Gender,Sexuality and the Theory of Seduction

Fletcher seeks to readdress the sex-gender-sexuality distinctions and the Lacanian theorization of sexual difference in the framework of Jean Laplanche's generalized theory of primal seduction. In particular he addresses the double-bind of phallocentrism, as outlined by Jacqueline Rose and Juliet Mitchell, that seems to be entailed by the requirements of a symbolic, constructionist account of the unconscious and the divided subject. He argues that Laplanche's generalized theory of seduction elaborates an account of the formation of the unconscious as a separate mental system and of the sexual drives as a result of the signifying relations with the other, the adult other of personal pre-history, and of the consequent entry into symbolization. This moment of seduction/translation/primal repression is rigorously distinguished from the secondary moments of the Oedipus and castration complexes which are conceived as secondary forms of binding and translation of the enigmatic signifiers implanted by the adult (which includes assignations of gender). Fletcher argues that the symbolic, constructionist requirement is met - no castration without representation - without its reversal as in Lacanian theory into the very different, phallocentric position - no representation without castration. This has important implications for the theorization of dissident sexual subjectivities as well of the specificity of female sexuality.     

Maternal Filicide

ABSTRACT

Having identified that most violent crime is carried out by men, feminists have recently called attention to the need to also bring a feminist analysis to violent crimes committed by women. This research examines data drawn from coroners court files in Victoria, Australia for the period 1978 to 1991 to explore scenarios of maternal filicide. The data are reviewed in three groupings: murder-suicides, neonaticides and fatal assaults. The findings challenge assumptions that a unitary explanation is possible for these events, and thus for female homicide more generally. Representations of female homicide as predominantly emotional outbursts entailing a loss of control are not supported by the data. Further analysis of maternal filicide is needed which considers in more detail the ramifications of the construction of motherhood for the everyday lives of women.     

性别、社会分化的村庄实践:发达地区农村妇女的角色调适——基于浙东鹅村的考察

浙东调查发现,农村妇女性格内敛且在村庄公共领域难以发挥积极作用,妇女作为贤妻良母的家庭角色突出;并且,妇女以丈夫的成功与否以及夫妻关系的好坏进行角色调适。究其原因,一方面市场化的进程带来的职业的性别分化造成男性有更多的职业选择权,女性劳动对家庭经济的贡献远远低于男性使得女性无论在家庭这一私人领域还是在村庄公共领域都难以真正具有独立性;另外,村庄的经济分化还带来男女两性心理上的分化,男性主宰的村落文化实践着性别角色的再生产机制。可见,要实现妇女地位本质性的提高,妇女群体自身积极的主体性建构迫在眉睫。     

培根“四假相”说的诠释学意蕴

“假相说”是培根哲学体系中最重要、最有影响的学说之一.该学说的重要理论价值关键不在于它包含有对经院哲学的批判,而在于它从认识主体即解释者的角度探讨了认识或解释自然过程中产生谬误的原因,在于它通过对阻碍“自然的解释”种种因素的精彩分析深刻阐述了偏见与理解、解释之间的关系,从而以特有的方式揭示了“理解的历史性”等问题.内涵于培根“假相说”中的诠释学思想,深刻地影响了近代以来诠释学的产生与发展.     

Shot by the Messenger: Partisan Cues and Public Opinion Regarding National Security and War

Research has shown that messages of intra-party harmony tend to be ignored by the news media, while internal disputes, especially within the governing party, generally receive prominent coverage. We examine how messages of party conflict and cooperation affect public opinion regarding national security, as well as whether and how the reputations of media outlets matter. We develop a typology of partisan messages in the news, determining their likely effects based on the characteristics of the speaker, listener, news outlet, and message content. We hypothesize that criticism of a Republican president by his fellow partisan elites should be exceptionally damaging (especially on a conservative media outlet), while opposition party praise of the president should be the most helpful (especially on a liberal outlet). We test our hypotheses through an experiment and a national survey on attitudes regarding the Iraq War. The results show that credible communication (i.e., “costly” rhetoric harmful to a party) is more influential than “cheap talk” in moving public opinion. Ironically, news media outlets perceived as ideologically hostile can actually enhance the credibility of certain messages relative to “friendly” news sources.

Double Lives, Double Narratives: Tracing the Story of the Family in Rousseau, the Swiss Civil Code and the Fathers’ Rights Debates

A recent parliamentary postulate in Switzerland calling for joint custody as the legal norm argues that fathers are discriminated against in Swiss divorce law. This postulate has incited a debate which circles around issues of equality, the role of fathers and mothers, and the good of the child. Our article, uniting approaches from literature, cultural studies, and science and technology studies, examines the arguments sparked by the debate with a view to different takes on gender and family. In doing so, it traces the roots of contemporary Swiss family law in the Rousseauian narrative of family life in Emile ou de l’education; it explores the manner in which scientific knowledge is marshaled to lend political legitimacy to current debate; and it asks finally how narrative bridges the gap between public discourse and lived experience.

Intérêts spécifiques et formation de l'opinion politique des Suissesses (1999-2005)

L'existence “d'intérêts spécifiques” qu'on pourrait naturellement attribuer à la catégorie des femmes est amplement débattue dans la littérature contemporaine. Ainsi, selon certains, les femmes en tant que catégorie sociodémographique seraient traditionnellement plus portées à s'intéresser à certains sujets (l'enfance, la parité entre les sexes, l'avortement, etc.) qu'à d'autres. Or, bien que la littérature sur la définition des intérêts des femmes soit assez étoffée, peu d'études essaient, de mesurer leurs effets sur le comportement politique des citoyennes. Ainsi, aucune analyse n'a été proposée jusqu'à maintenant pour mesurer si la présence d'enjeux particulièrement parlants pour les citoyennes augmente leur engagement intellectuel (notamment dans des enjeux de démocratie directe). A travers l'analyse des votations populaires pour la période 1999-2005 (VOX), nous nous proposons de voir dans quelle mesure le niveau d'intérêt spécifique qui caractérise l'objet soumis au vote influence les stratégies cognitives que les femmes activent lors du processus de formation de l'opinion. En partant de modèles dualistes développés en psychologie cognitive, nos analyses montrent que les citoyennes sont davantage prêtes que les hommes à activer des stratégies cognitives plus exigeantes d'un point de vue intellectuel lorsque le projet soumis au vote les touche de près.     

Unconscious Bias Training: The ‘Silver Bullet’ for Gender Equity?

Western Governments concerned about the lack of gender equity in their workforces are increasingly seeking to address the negative effects of unconscious biases on employment decisions to counter the effects of hidden prejudices. Although unconscious bias has received limited attention in the human resource literature, social psychology literature has identified inadequacies with this practice, including that such training may entrench and normalise unconscious biases. We argue that the popularity of unconscious bias training invites agencies to view this practice as a ‘silver bullet’ to achieve gender equity, but that its effectiveness is likely to be limited unless accompanied by sustained interventions to address discrimination. Further, the impacts of unconscious bias training need to be rigorously evaluated to assess whether government resources are being effectively utilised. Consistent with international research, such an evaluation may reveal that unconscious bias training has unintended negative consequences, but that the training can be improved to reduce these consequences.     

Reproducing the ‘national home’: gendering domopolitics

Walters developed the concept of domopolitics to refer to the ways in which the securitisation of migration contributes to the construction of the UK as a ‘national home’. Domopolitical policies and discourses produce the UK as the ‘national home’ of ‘neoliberal citizens’; they thus serve as tools of neoliberal governmentality, disciplining both citizens and migrants into displaying qualities associated with neoliberal citizenship, especially economic productivity. However, the concept of ‘home’ has a particular genealogy within liberal discourses of citizenship. As Pateman contends, the political ‘public’ sphere of liberal citizenship is constructed in opposition to an apolitical ‘private’ sphere. The public sphere has been coded as the domain of men, while women have been relegated to the private ‘home’. Consequently, women have been deemed responsible for the reproduction of both the private, and the ‘national’ home, a construction which has persisted under neoliberalism. While often superficially gender-neutral, domopolitics actually relies upon, and reinforces, these gendered understandings of neoliberal citizenship. Domopolitical policies and discourses construct migrant women’s reproductive practices as a legitimate and necessary site of state intervention, disciplining migrant women to ensure they ‘correctly’ reproduce the neoliberal ‘national home.’