全文获取类型
收费全文 | 776篇 |
免费 | 29篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 134篇 |
工人农民 | 6篇 |
世界政治 | 44篇 |
外交国际关系 | 99篇 |
法律 | 92篇 |
中国共产党 | 5篇 |
中国政治 | 8篇 |
政治理论 | 339篇 |
综合类 | 78篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 15篇 |
2022年 | 10篇 |
2021年 | 26篇 |
2020年 | 41篇 |
2019年 | 45篇 |
2018年 | 47篇 |
2017年 | 58篇 |
2016年 | 65篇 |
2015年 | 22篇 |
2014年 | 56篇 |
2013年 | 165篇 |
2012年 | 40篇 |
2011年 | 37篇 |
2010年 | 22篇 |
2009年 | 18篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 19篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 18篇 |
2004年 | 24篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有805条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
711.
Dušan Pavlović 《Communist and Post》2019,52(1):11-24
Why do presidents in semi-presidential regimes sometimes call early elections? Is the behavior of incumbent presidents different from the behavior of presidential contenders when the former do not need to run for office but face the loss of parliamentary majority in a semi-presidential system? Prospect theory claims that agents make risky choices when facing a loss. Consequently, if incumbent presidents face a loss of majority in the parliament, they will call for early election to try to shore up or salvage the majority. To provide empirical evidence supporting this claim, prospect theory has been applied to the two presidential elections in Yugoslavia and Serbia in which two incumbent presidents, Slobodan Milo?evi? (2000) and Boris Tadi? (2012), had lost early presidential elections. The expected contribution of the paper is to deepen our understanding of how semi-presidential regimes resolve the problem of temporal rigidity and offer novel empirical data in support of the application of prospect theory in political science. 相似文献
712.
目前,我国社区卫生服务正逐步走入每个家庭,全市社区卫生服务网络基本形成,服务功能逐步完善,但是社区卫生服务在开展的过程中,由于各种原因也出现了一些带有普遍性的问题,影响了社区卫生服务作用的发挥。根据石家庄的社区卫生服务建设情况和社区居民享受社区卫生服务等的调查,提出了政府重视、提高从业人员素质、加大宣传力度、完善机制的解决对策。 相似文献
713.
Social media play an increasingly important part in the communication strategies of political campaigns by reflecting information about the policy preferences and opinions of political actors and their public followers. In addition, the content of the messages provides rich information about the political issues and the framing of those issues during elections, such as whether contested issues concern Europe or rather extend pre-existing national debates. In this study, we survey the European landscape of social media using tweets originating from and referring to political actors during the 2014 European Parliament election campaign. We describe the language and national distribution of the messages, the relative volume of different types of communications, and the factors that determine the adoption and use of social media by the candidates. We also analyze the dynamics of the volume and content of the communications over the duration of the campaign with reference to both the EU integration dimension of the debate and the prominence of the most visible list-leading candidates. Our findings indicate that the lead candidates and their televised debate had a prominent influence on the volume and content of communications, and that the content and emotional tone of communications more reflects preferences along the EU dimension of political contestation rather than classic national issues relating to left-right differences. 相似文献
714.
Political choice is central to citizens’ participation in elections. Nonetheless, little is known about the individual-level mechanisms that link political choice and turnout. It is argued in this article that turnout decisions are shaped not only by the differences between the parties (party polarisation), but also by the closeness of parties to citizens’ own ideological position (congruence), and that congruence matters more in polarised systems where more is at stake. Analysing cross-national survey data from 80 elections, it is found that both polarisation and congruence have a mobilising effect, but that polarisation moderates the effect of congruence on turnout. To further explore the causal effect of political choice, the arrival of a new radical right-wing party in Germany, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), is leveraged and the findings show that the presence of the AfD had a mobilising effect, especially for citizens with congruent views. 相似文献
715.
In recent years, ideological candidates for the U.S. House have become increasingly successful, to the point where their chances of being elected are indistinguishable from moderates. However, scholars have still not uncovered exactly why this is happening. Using survey data from the American National Election Studies, I find that voter-centric explanations of vote choice – a voter's partisanship, ideology, and presidential approval rating – have increasingly predicted their vote choice in U.S. House elections from 1980 to 2016. Using data on candidate ideology, I find that candidate ideology is an increasingly poor predictor of individual vote choice over time. Original experimental data supports these claims, finding only a small electoral advantage for moderates, compared to ideologues of their own party, and evidence suggesting that, at least among Democrats, ideological candidates are rated more favorably than moderates. Taken together, these results suggest that the increased electoral success of ideological candidates can be attributed to changes in voters' decision calculus, rather than structural or candidate-centric explanations. 相似文献
716.
JOY JOHNSON 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(3):434-437
After months of battering by allegations of cronyism and sustained hostile media from London's only paid for newspaper, Ken Livingstone's election campaign turned into the perfect political campaign. His third term bid to be Mayor of London wrecked on the high seas of democracy as the government grappled with economic gloom, a credit crunch and its lowest poll rating 相似文献
717.
This paper presents a natural experiment, comparing the effects of two-round (TR) and proportional representation (PR) voting rules in French cantonal and regional elections. A series of rigorous model estimations demonstrates that the two electoral types clearly produce distinct outcomes. TR systems bring about less extremist party voting, less party competition, and perhaps less vote turnout, when compared to PR systems. These findings call into question the lack of attention to TR effects, and the notion that TR is not really a distinct electoral form. 相似文献
718.
The 2007 Scottish Parliamentary elections were notable for the extensive variation across constituencies in rejected ballots (ranging from 1.90% to 12.09%). This paper uses an unfortunate natural experiment to identify the influence of ballot design on the occurrence of rejected ballots, or ‘residual votes’. In two electoral regions, visual prompts were removed and instructions were abbreviated on the (already poorly designed) ballot papers. Using zero-truncated negative binomial regression to model total residual votes as well as constituency and regional undervotes and overvotes, we find clear evidence that these changes made a major contribution to the extent of residual votes in constituencies within those regions. The findings emphasise that ballot design is not a trivial subject that can be neglected by electoral administrators. 相似文献
719.
720.
This article examines the relationship between political uncertainty and corporate investments in India. Using the data of 771 non-financial Indian firms for the period 2007 Q1 to 2020 Q4 and for three general elections, 2009, 2014, and 2019, the study confirms a significant negative impact of political uncertainty on corporate investments and a pronounced impact of political uncertainty on corporate investment in closely contested elections. Also, we find that corporate investment tends to rise post-election. Additionally, we find that the negative relationship between political uncertainty and corporate investment is more pronounced for politically sensitive industries and firms facing higher financial constraints. 相似文献