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1.
Visas and work permits: Possible global negotiating initiatives 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
We discuss global options for initiatives intended to ameliorate adverse impacts of visa and work permit systems used by national
governments around the world. We first describe and document some of their effects, noting the relative lack of other research
work on these issues. We then discuss proposals for a new and supplemental global visa structure which have been made as part
of the Mode 4 GATS negotiations in the WTO, suggesting that the GATS/WTO may be an imperfect institutional location for negotiating
on these matters. We then evaluate other approaches, including what realistically could be possible if a new body specifically
created for global negotiation in the area were to be used.
相似文献
John WhalleyEmail: |
2.
晚近国际投资争端解决实践之评判:“全球治理”理论的引入 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
晚近国际投资争端的性质已由以往的政治性争端转变为现行的管理性争端,相应地,国际投资争端的传统外交保护解决方式也已为国际仲裁方式所取代,而且国际投资争端仲裁实践出现了明显的偏袒外国投资者,损害东道国权益之倾向。就此,已难以用传统的南北矛盾理论框定,而现有的商事仲裁理论和国内公法理论则存在着不同程度的缺失,需要引入一种视野更为宽广的全球治理理论予以弥补。 相似文献
3.
Juliann Emmons Allison 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2005,5(4):405-414
Deregulation and the combined threats of energy crises and global warming concern nations around the world, yet these issues
continue to be addressed more directly by domestic regulatory systems than by international institutions. The present analyses
of the integration of distributed sources of power generation (DG) into California’s electric utility system suggests that
domestic environmental dilemmas with international repercussions provide an obvious entrée for global environmental policy
specialists into the practice of environmental policy-making and law. Here I review current scholarship on policy networks
that illuminates the contributions that technical and policy experts can make to such networks surrounding environmental issues.
I then introduce the key members of California’s “clean DG” policy network that emphasizes the role of academic experts in
this influential political system, and discuss how my own research has impacted the development of the state’s DG policy.
I conclude that scholars are well positioned to observe and engage domestic and international environmental policy networks,
and thereby also to influence environmental politics and law. 相似文献
4.
Qiang Yu 《Computer Law & Security Report》2017,33(1):103-111
China's merger enforcement agency approved the Google/Motorola merger with conditions. This pattern of approval is not in full accordance with that in other jurisdictions, including the United States and the European Union, which made unconditional approvals. This contradiction attracted ample criticism; some critics believe that China's policy is designed to protect domestic industry. In investigating the Chinese merger agency's decision and the basis for its decision making, this article finds that much of the criticism is groundless and misleading because the critics have failed to incorporate all elements of the global value chain of mobile intelligent terminals into their analyses. The investigation also shows that, although the decision makers are less experienced, their decisions are based on Chinese competition law and market realities. It is important for international firms to be aware of this pattern in merger analysis. 相似文献
5.
近年来逆全球化潮流的抬头极大冲击了全球治理格局,包括美国在内的发达国家转向贸易保护主义、设置贸易壁垒,无视全球治理责任,使全球治理陷入矛盾和困境之中.逆全球化所导致的全球治理困境植根于资本文明的客观事实中.主要表现为:剩余价值全球竞争塑造主权国家在全球治理中的竞争性关系;跨国“资本—生产”体系的不均衡性加深发达国家国家... 相似文献
6.
7.
Regina Lawrence 《政治交往》2013,30(3):349-350
A new form of “entertaining news,” accessed by most through television, has become a privileged domain of politics for the first time in countries “beyond the West” in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. What are the political consequences of this development: What is the relationship between media and politics in these regions? We answer these questions through a case study of India, the world's largest democracy, where two decades of media expansion and liberalization have yielded the largest number of commercial television news outlets in the world. We show why prevailing theories of media privatization and commercialization cannot account for the distinctive architecture of media systems in places like India. In this article, we first provide an overview of the historical and contemporary dynamics of media liberalization in India and the challenges that this poses to existing models and typologies of the media-politics relationship. We then present a new typology of media systems and a theoretical framework for studying the relationship between television news and democratic politics in India, and by extension in the global South. In the concluding section, we reflect on the broader comparative insights of the essay and discuss directions for future research. We believe that our alternative comparative framework captures more meaningfully the diversity and complexity of emerging media systems and their relationships to democratic practice in these regions. 相似文献
8.
AbstractPrompted by the rise of the emerging economies and the growing importance of the G20, the OECD has formally announced its intention of establishing itself as a key actor in global policy coordination. As part of this ambition, it has embarked on cultivating closer relations with five G20 countries it designated as key partners through the so-called “Enhanced Engagement” programme: Brazil, China, India, Indonesia and South Africa. This article mobilizes concepts from the policy transfer literature to explain why the OECD’s attempts to increasingly involve all five countries in its policy have fallen short of its original ambitions, and also why the transfer of its policy work has been uneven across policy and country issue. 相似文献
9.
J. N. C. Hill 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):2016-2031
AbstractThis article contributes to the Global International Relations project by critically evaluating the roles ascribed to Europe and the EU by Levitsky and Way in their model for explaining regime transitions. Focusing primarily on their international dimensions of linkage and leverage, it assesses both the normative geopolitical underpinnings and explanatory power of their thesis, drawing on the North African cases of Tunisia and Mauritania at the start of the Arab Spring to illustrate and substantiate its observations and arguments. It concludes that the EU’s failure to discipline either country’s competitive authoritarian regime raises important questions about the validity of the privileged role in which they cast Europe. 相似文献
10.
Olli Hellmann 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(12):2129-2152
Despite the fact that corruption is essentially invisible, communication campaigns by the global anti-corruption industry regularly feature photographic images. So far, however, we do not know much about the narratives that are encoded in these images. Through the theoretical lens of postcolonialism, this paper takes a first step towards developing an understanding of the visual representation of corruption. Specifically, the paper applies semiotic and iconographic methods to two photography competitions run by Transparency International – the major non-governmental player in the anti-corruption industry. The analysis shows, first, that the anti-corruption industry reinforces colonial stereotypes, suggesting that the ‘sinful’ and ‘irrational’ Global South is waiting to be civilised by the North. Second, through its visual imagery, the anti-corruption industry also emphasises ideas of a ‘humanitarian family’, which serves to cover up the North’s role in transnational webs of corruption. These findings are triangulated with semiotic/iconographic analyses of the Transparency International logo and the Corruption Perceptions Index map. 相似文献