全文获取类型
收费全文 | 238篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 24篇 |
工人农民 | 25篇 |
世界政治 | 25篇 |
外交国际关系 | 18篇 |
法律 | 55篇 |
中国共产党 | 3篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 46篇 |
综合类 | 44篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 12篇 |
2018年 | 10篇 |
2017年 | 17篇 |
2016年 | 13篇 |
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 61篇 |
2012年 | 26篇 |
2011年 | 26篇 |
2010年 | 11篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 11篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有247条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
221.
《二十世纪中国》2013,38(1):53-70
AbstractThe essay posits the question of the end of May Fourth as a properly political sequence. If we consider May Fourth as a political movement, asking how it ends implies asking what kind of political subjects and political organizations were active then and ceased to be active at a certain point in time. Asking when and how the May Fourth movement ended implies, therefore, asking what ended. The essay analyzes a series of statements and actions signaling the “end” or the “defeat” of May Fourth in order to question whether there were collective practices, locations, and categories proper to the May Fourth period and how they got exhausted. Two elements appear to be crucial: the organizational structure of the xuehui and the category of “student.” 相似文献
222.
《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2013,6(2):113-130
Abstract This paper explores the diasporic ‘politics of home’ of Congolese migrants in Europe, in particular in the UK, and to a lesser extent in Belgium. We focus on the fragmentation and heterogeneity of the diasporic political sphere by examining the role of first generation activists, religious groups, as well as youth and women's organisations. Within the transnational political field, first generation leaders are in a dominant position and the involvement of other groups, such as women and young people is marginalised by their control of the diasporic ‘rules of the game’ in the Bourdieusan sense. However, the increasing involvement of Congolese women in the field of women's rights advocacy has opened up new paths of political action which can, in certain occasions, lead to transnational forms of engagement. Similarly, second generation Congolese activists are constructing a space of autonomous engagement, relying heavily on the Internet and especially on social media, some attempting to link up with wider social movements. The paper provides an understanding of the social and political construction of these different fields of diasporic engagement as well as their intersectional and dialogical relations. 相似文献
223.
Merlyna Lim 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):636-657
Drawing on empirical cases from Indonesia, this article offers a critical approach to the promise of social media activism by analysing the complexity and dynamics of the relationship between social media and its users. Rather than viewing social media activism as the harbinger of social change or dismissing it as mere “slacktivism,” the article provides a more nuanced argument by identifying the conditions under which participation in social media might lead to successful political activism. In social media, networks are vast, content is overly abundant, attention spans are short, and conversations are parsed into diminutive sentences. For social media activism to be translated into populist political activism, it needs to embrace the principles of the contemporary culture of consumption: light package, headline appetite and trailer vision. Social media activism is more likely to successfully mobilise mass support when its narratives are simple, associated with low risk actions and congruent with dominant meta-narratives, such as nationalism and religiosity. Success is less likely when the narrative is contested by dominant competing narratives generated in mainstream media. 相似文献
224.
This paper suggests that the nature of activism is changing to take account of the shifts in political and economic conditions. It further goes on to consider that as a result of these emerging trends we have witnessed a generational shift in how governments, businesses, interest groups and citizens will interact. It is possible to place the issues and questions that this new environment raises under a number of broad headings—Democracy and Dissent, Government and Parliament, Media, and Lobbying –each of which the paper deals with in turn. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
225.
Brice Dickson 《The Modern law review》2006,69(3):383-417
This article begins by commenting on an analysis undertaken by the late Stephen Livingstone of 13 cases relating to the troubles in Northern Ireland decided by the House of Lords between 1969 and 1993. It then attempts to repeat the analysis in respect of 12 such cases decided between 1994 and 2005. Areas of law arising for consideration during both periods include the rules on the use of lethal force, aspects of substantive criminal law and criminal procedure and the rights of persons arrested or imprisoned. The more recent cases also raise fundamental questions concerning the status and meaning of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. The article concludes that there has been a sea-change in the way the Law Lords have handled the Northern Irish cases. From treating them in a way which might have suggested a built-in bias in favour of police, army and government perspectives, they have moved to analysing the competing arguments in the light of more modern approaches to statutory interpretation, the rule of law and human rights. 相似文献
226.
反对解释是法治社会的一个原则。这一原则强调,对明确的法律规范,尤其是强制性法律规范,法官等法律人应该直接认定其意义并加以贯彻,而不能解释,尤其不能过度解释。反对解释的场景是个审判等活动“语境”的问题,但由于场景都是片断,因而难以从理论上系统叙述,所以,我们只是把场景作为思考的起点和归宿,在法治理念下叙说反对解释的一般要求。我们相信,法制要求人们对法律规范的固有意义保持克制,要求尊重法律的权威。能动主义是一种克服司法机械的思路。司法能动主义者几乎把严格等同于机械。但法制恰恰是因为有了适度严格才显示其魅力,如果到处能见到灵活那就不可能有法制。近百年来,几乎所有的法学都围绕着维护或破除法律的严格(或机械)而展开。但从法制基本教义看,司法克制主义是主流,而能动主义只能在克服法律过于死板,或协调法律与社会正义的严重冲突时才显现其功用。反对解释的主体是所有的适法人员,对不同的主体有不同的要求。 相似文献
227.
刑法目的解释的存在根据包括理论与实践两个层面。在刑法解释体系中,目的解释不能简单定位为辅助作用或决定作用,应具体问题具体分析。目的解释边界的厘定与文义解释有关,也与历史解释、体系解释有关。目的解释主要局限在法律疑难情况下适用,且目的解释常与非规范因素相联系,所以应从实体规范、司法程序及司法技术等角度对该法律方法进行规制。 相似文献
228.
胡桥 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2011,1(3):18-25
中国能动司法的背后具有特定的动机、目的。能动司法的动机可分为:主导动机与非主导动机、外部动机与内部动机、近景动机与远景动机,其动机特征呈现应急性和特殊性。能动司法的目的可分为:短期目的与长期目的、政治目的与法律目的、初级目的与高级目的,其目的具有短期性和政治性特征。因此,能动司法的意义是有限的。它只是提出了中国司法裁判中能动性或灵活性与确定性之间的关系问题;彰显了法律实用主义的司法观念;成为中国“大立法时代”结束及“大司法时代”到来的一个信号。中国司法的真正希望不仅在于是否能动司法,还在于是否全面、深入的司法制度改革。 相似文献
229.
蔡晨昊 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2013,(6):112-115
提升基层检察机关执法公信力有助于降低执法难度、提升执法效果,也有助于提高执法效率、降低执法成本。基层检察机关的执法公信力由执法水平、工作作风、执法主体和民众评价等因素决定。基层检察机关执法公信力面临着新媒体时代、检察执法专业性、社会信任危机以及个人腐败问题等方面的现实挑战。对此.我们应从提升执法水平、保障执法效果、加强媒体应用、增强法律宣传和人文关怀等方面提升基层检察机关的执法公信力。 相似文献
230.
民事法官所享有的依法合理解释、平衡、选择法律以及填补法律缺漏的特有能动性是两大法系国家的一致选择。审视我国法官能动性所经历的严苛限制、悄然使之到日益凸显的过程,揭示了处于经验层面的法官能动性的失范现象及其主要根源。为确保法官能动性应有功效的发挥,我们应着力从核心理念、追求目标、基本原则、明析规则、技术规范和配套措施等方面构建具有中国特色的法律规则与法官能动性共生的民事司法运作模式,以强调法律解释和辩证推理等司法技术在解决法律确定性弱化问题的功用时,克服逻辑推演的局限性,实现民事诉讼之目的。 相似文献