The political economy of subsidiarity in labour market reforms: the United Kingdom and Italy in times of crises

ABSTRACT

This article seeks to contribute to the literature centred on the principle of subsidiarity by highlighting the way in which political actors apply different dimensions of subsidiarity, horizontal versus vertical, in the field of labour market policy. It compares labour market reforms in Britain and Italy in the wake of international economic crises, shedding light on the role of subsidiarity dimensions. It shows that Britain applied the principle of horizontal subsidiarity in quasi-market mechanisms while Italy chiefly resorted to the vertical dimension that helped shifting labour market policies from income replacement to welfare-to-work. Additionally, the article explores how the principle of subsidiarity may affect the relationships between the European Union on one side and Britain and Italy on the other in the field of labour market policies.     

论明代四大奇书传说里的“马”话语

以明代四大奇书传说中提到的"马”为切入点,采用民俗学的方法,重点分析民间传说中的"马”话语,研究这个话语所传达的华北民间文化的认同意识.在亚太地区,如在东亚、东北亚和南亚,"马”词汇里还包裹着一层层的其他文化含义,如农耕民俗、马背民俗、阶层等级、佛教信仰、动物民俗等,这些民间风俗和民间信仰,在亚太各国的文化交流史上,也是一个值得注意的现象,近年正在引起亚洲民俗学者的重视.而在我国明代四大奇书的传说中,早已表现出了这样诸多的文化因素.     

《大元通制》渊源考辨

由于人们对《元史·刑法志》一段简要而含混记述的误读,造成了法律史上的一桩“悬案”,即《大元通制》渊源之谜。本文从追溯元代前期艰难的修律立法历程入手,结合当时社会政治生态环境,对《大元通制》的本原作了详尽的探索。《大元通制》是世祖以降数十年修订律书的摸索与奋斗的产物,而仁宗“延祜律书草案”则是《大元通制》凭据的直接蓝本。本文对《大元通制》“难产”的缘由进行了剖析,认为延(?)、至治年间,仗恃兴圣太后权势的“后党”保守派与皇帝为首的“帝党”改革派之间激烈政争,是《大元通制》难产的主要原因。     

论次区域合作执行机制的构建

大湄公河次区域经济合作,是中国——东盟区域经济合作组织之下的次区域经济合作组织形式。中国参与大湄公河次区域经济合作的建设目标是,把大湄公河次区域建设成中国与东盟自由贸易区的先行示范区,先行先试的自由贸易区。但是,在次区域的法律框架内,没有执行机制,呈现制度性体制性缺陷。执行机制是次区域各国实现合作的必要条件和保障,没有具体和制度性的执行机制,势必影响次区域合作目标的顺利实现。弥补体制性缺陷,构建简便、灵活、有效、易于操作的初级执行机制,逐步推动初级执行机制的成熟并向正式机制的过渡,是现实条件约束下的最佳选择。     

当前“单极”与“多极”矛盾的基本态势及战略思考

当今国际格局处于深刻演变之中。美国谋求单极霸权阻力增大、困境加深,“新兴大国”崛起推动多极化发展,西方大国加大协调对外战略、企图共同维持对国际体系的主导权。大国关系加快重组、复杂联动,全球治理需求增多,中国的国际战略处境更趋微妙敏感。     

Macroeconomic performance,political trust and the Great Recession: A multilevel analysis of the effects of within‐country fluctuations in macroeconomic performance on political trust in 15 EU countries, 1999–2011

Recent cross‐national comparative studies have found no effect of countries’ macroeconomic performances on trust in national political institutions, once political explanations (most notably corruption) are taken into account. Although political trust is not determined by the comparison of national economic performance to other countries, it is argued in this article that it is affected by comparisons to their own past performance. In a multilevel, fixed effects analysis of Eurobarometer data (21 waves in 15 European Union Member States between 1999 and 2011) the extent to which within‐country variations in economic performance affect political trust longitudinally is tested. Three major conclusions are reached. First, within‐country, longitudinal changes in performance (growth, deficits, unemployment and inflation) affect political trust. Second, the impact of macroeconomic performance is stronger among the lower educated. Third, even in times of economic duress, budgetary deficits tend to undermine political trust.     

Peak Millennials: Three Reinforcing Cycles That Amplify the Rise and Fall of Urban Concentration by Millennials

The rise and fall of the Millennial generation congregating in central cities is a product of life course meeting unique historical context. Three reinforcing cycles harmonized before 2010 to maximize Millennial presence, and then will harmonize in 2020 to reduce presence. In 2015, the peak Millennial birth cohort passed age 25, with smaller cohorts to follow. Job opportunity that had sharply worsened following the Great Recession is reversing, with renewed job growth opening entry positions, and with less competition from smaller cohorts. In housing, Millennials were doubled up at entry levels of their housing life cycle, blocked by older peers who were unable to turn over their apartments for better homes. With renewal of new construction and home buying, stronger vacancy chains will again stimulate outflow. The combined effect of the three reversed cycles will reduce central concentrations of young adults. Preferences may persist for urban walkability but, freed of their former constraints, preferences will now be expressed through choice from a broader range of locales. Cities and suburbs can compete for Millennials passing age 30 with walkable districts, transit, and better schools and housing.     

The European Union and political behaviour: The shadow of the Great Recession

The symposium aims to analyse the politicisation of the European issue following the onset of the Eurozone crisis, in particular its impact on individual attitudes and voting both at the national and supranational level. By way of an introduction, we address the state of the art on the importance of the Eurozone crisis for EU politicisation, as well as outlining each article and its contribution. While our authors may sometimes focus on different dependent variables, they all speak to the question of whether the Great Recession made a lasting difference, and whether EU politicisation matters. Most articles are longitudinal, and test for changes due to the crisis (Dassonneville, Lewis- Beck and Jabbour; Ruiz-Rufino; Talving and Vasilopoulou; Jurado and Navarrete). But preoccupation with the Great Recession is also present in the articles assessing the political learning that unfolded from it (Ruiz-Rufino), or the ones which investigate whether EU effects can be detected during the post-crisis years (Talving and Vasilopoulou; Lobo and Pannico; Heyne and Lobo). Despite the diversity of approaches, and certain differences in findings, each article contributes to a major debate ongoing in the literature, especially three key debates which have arisen: the crisis’ impact on European party systems, economic voting, and the degree of legitimacy of democratic systems.     

俄国驻中国喀什噶尔领事彼得罗夫斯基与近代英俄大博弈

尼古拉·费奥多罗维奇·彼得罗夫斯基是俄国驻我国新疆喀什噶尔第一任领事,其任期正值近代英国与俄国的中亚大博弈时期.彼得罗夫斯基利用其在当地的影响力,精心编织情报网络,培训情报人员,收集新疆地区军事政治要情,为俄国推行对华侵略政策提供信息服务,并严密监视英国动向,协助俄国军队占领我国帕米尔地区.在经济方面,彼得罗夫斯基通过扩大俄国商圈、打压英国在新疆的贸易和扰乱金融体系等手段,帮助俄国扩大对新疆的贸易.此外,彼得罗夫斯基利用职务之便在我国新疆喀什噶尔及其周边地区大肆劫掠文物,并与俄国国内积极互动,为俄国考察者提供文物信息和物质支持,在此方面,也将英国视为最大竞争对手.在彼得罗夫斯基的苦心经营下,19世纪末20世纪初俄国在新疆地区的影响力得到极大的扩张,无论在政治、经济还是文物掠夺方面,相对于英国均占据了先机.     

The origins of redistributive policy preferences: political socialisation with and without a welfare state

Research on the impact of the macroeconomy on individual-level preferences for redistribution has produced varying results. This paper presents a new theory on the presence of an expansive welfare state during one’s formative years as a source of heterogeneity in the effect that macroeconomic conditions have on individuals’ preferences for redistributive policy. This theory is tested using cohort analysis via the British Social Attitudes surveys (1983–2010), with generations coming of age between the end of World War I and today. Findings confirm that cohorts that were socialised before and after the introduction of the welfare state react differently to economic crises: the former become less supportive of redistribution, while the latter become more supportive. The research sheds light on the long-term shifts of support for the welfare state due to generational replacement.