四川五十年大事辑要(四)

中华人民共和国 194 9年 10月 1日诞生后不久 ,当年底四川获得解放 ,随之四川省党政机构相继建立。 194 9～ 1999年 ,四川全境解放 50年 ,四川如何从半殖民地半封建社会跨入社会主义社会 ?50年中有哪些曲折和辉煌 ?中共四川省委党史研究室撰写的《四川五十年大事辑要》 ,就这些问题 ,可从中了解四川 50年历程的梗概。     

四川五十年大事辑要(三)

中华人民共和国 194 9年 10月 1日诞生后不久 ,当年底四川获得解放 ,随之四川省党政机构相继建立。 194 9年～ 1999年 ,四川全境解放 50年 ,四川如何从半殖民地半封建社会跨入社会主义社会 ?50年中有哪些曲折和辉煌 ?中共四川省委党史研究室撰写的《四川五十年大事辑要》 ,就这些问题 ,可从中了解四川50年历程的梗概。     

The Changing Relationship Between Housing and Inequality, 1980–2010

Inequality in both income and wealth has grown rapidly in the United States since the 1970s. Over the same period, homeownership rates increased in step with expansionist government policies and the development of subprime and other exotic loan products, and housing affordability challenges emerged as the most prevalent housing problem for owners and renters alike. The subprime lending and foreclosure crises of the 2000s stretched households financially, threatening the traditional economic benefits of homeownership, bringing into stark relief the ways in which housing and inequality mutually influence one another, and implicating homeownership, housing affordability, and subprime lending in the widening gap between the rich and the poor. This article examines the changing roles of homeownership, housing affordability, and subprime lending in contemporary U.S. inequality by, first, describing trends in county inequality and housing characteristics and, second, modeling inequality as a function of the previous decade's housing characteristics over the period of 1980–2010. We build upon past models of county inequality by more explicitly considering causal order, place characteristics, and state and regional fixed effects. The results confirm that homeownership, affordability, and subprime lending not only reflect existing inequalities but also perpetuate those inequalities over time. Homeownership promotes equality, affordability problems undermine it, and subprime lending has the potential to ameliorate inequality in certain contexts, but these effects shift significantly over time, particularly as a result of widespread foreclosures and economic recession. Our analysis establishes the importance of housing in explaining contemporary inequality, highlights how place characteristics and causal ordering may improve county inequality models, and provides a foundation for future studies examining inequality in light of the Great Recession and the foreclosure crisis.     

Enacting citizenship in a post-disaster situation: the response to the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake

This paper examines the domestic response to the Great East Japan Earthquake that occurred in March 2011. The demand to (re)build a new ‘community’ in Japan was triggered by the fatal destruction of towns by the earthquake and the tsunami, and the uncertain future of these towns – and of Japan – due to the subsequent prolonged crisis at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. Drawing on the political theory of Jean-Luc Nancy, the paper examines what kinds of communities were realised in the aftermath of the disaster. It argues that two distinctively different types of communities emerged. The first type of community was based on the inside/outside logic, whereby Japan was imagined as one unified entity surrounded by a boundary which separated the safe inside from the dangerous outside. The second type of community was based on sharing. Immigrants in Japan identified themselves with the survivors since both of them shared the experience of losing home and the same home (called Japan). In this way, the immigrants challenged the idea of community as one unified entity and realised a new form of community.     

When do voters actually think “It’s the Economy”? Evidence from the 2008 presidential campaign

Studies linking election outcomes to economics frequently assume that the economy’s salience is constant. This study shows that the economy’s salience systematically fluctuates. The number of voters focused on economic issues shifted dramatically throughout the 2008 campaign as the recession worsened and this change occurred well before the financial markets collapsed in September 2008. However, even during the recession substantial numbers of individuals said their vote was based on non-economic issues and for these individuals there was no relationship between their assessment of the economy and their electoral choice. Consistent with extant theories of issue attention, citizens who were the hardest hit by the recession and those who had the most anxiety about suffering a financial dislocation in the future were most likely to consider economic performance electorally important while secure voters were less likely to be economic voters.     

国际法上的大国问题

大国问题是国际法实践中的一个老问题。近年来,国际关系民主化与国际法治成为日益重要的国际议程,一批新兴大国也正在崛起,这些新发展既为处理大国问题提供了历史机遇,也使得处理这一问题变得更为复杂,具有鲜明的时代特点。大国问题涉及大国拥有与作为国际法基础的主权平等原则相冲突的法律特权,但法律特权并非是导致大国问题的惟一原因;被赋予法律特权的大国应当承担特殊的法律义务,但获得法律特权并非是大国承担特殊义务,包括特殊法律义务的惟一依据。为了有效约束大国的行动,国际社会一方面应当限制大国可以获得的特权、强化大国应当承担的特殊义务尤其法律义务,另一方面应当寻求建立监督大国依法善意行使特权、履行义务的程序法机制。     

A Century After: The ‘Great DIET of Vilnius’ Revisited

The Vilnius assembly of December 1905 in Vilnius, the so-called ‘Great Diet’, is now seen as a watershed in the history of the Lithuanian national movement. The event was the culmination of socioeconomic changes as well as the growing assertiveness and political diversity of the Lithuanian national movement. The assembly radicalized village politics and encouraged the Lithuanian intelligentsia to formulate a vision of a future Lithuanian political entity. One enduring consequences of the Great Diet was increased acceptance of the idea of an independent state in which ethnic Lithuanians would assume the dominant role within a multinational framework.     

国家权威传媒视阈中的福州海西形象——对人民日报社两报报道的内容分析

大众传媒是传播和塑造区域形象的重要因素。国家权威传媒对区域形象的传播与塑造起关键性作用。人民日报社的两报在加强福州海西形象在海外塑造的同时，却弱化了福州海西形象在国内的传播。福州需要加强对国内受众的海西形象特别是宜居宜业优势形象的宣传。     

按照“三个代表”重要思想加强和改进党的建设

"三个代表"重要思想是新世纪加强党的建设的伟大纲领.只有坚持和贯彻"三个代表"重要思想,才能增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础,才能提高党的执政能力和领导水平,才能时刻保持党的先进性.     

萧万长“两岸共同市场”构想浅析

台湾萧万长先生在分析世界经济发展趋势的基础上,提出“两岸共同市场”理念和需要协调的政策措施,目的在于促进两岸经济一体化,使两岸经济双赢,这些观点应该给予肯定。但是,要实施其构想,必须以一个中国原则或“九二共识”为基础,当前台湾当局的“台独”意识破坏了这个政治基础。至于今后两岸政治如何统合,萧先生并未具体论述。不过,目前可以求同存异,先推进两岸共同市场——建立大中华经济圈的进程,对两岸经济发展会起正面的积极作用。