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71.
崔珏 《中央社会主义学院学报》2011,(3)
民主监督是我国参政党的两大职能之一,是以权利制约权力的监督形式.它既是人民民主权利的重要体现,也是多党合作制度赋予民主党派的权利和职责.本文在分析参政党民主监督的定位和民主监督权利体系的基本要素的基础上,从参政党建设的角度探讨这一权利有效行使亟须解决的若干问题. 相似文献
72.
Radoslaw Zubek 《Communist and Post》2008,41(2):147-161
A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control. 相似文献
73.
Susi Meret 《Patterns of Prejudice》2015,49(1-2):81-102
ABSTRACTResearch on the leaderships and electorates of populist right-wing parties emphasizes that most of these parties are charismatic and male-dominated, both as regards their leaderships and their voters. However, while studies about the gender gap focus mainly on demand-side factors, such as electoral support, socio-economic characteristics and the voters’ attitudes towards issues such as immigration, those that analyse the role and position of gender issues are still rare. Similarly, or even more, overlooked is an analysis of the rhetoric, style, charisma and discourse of populist female leaders, such as those representative of two now well-established Scandinavian populist right-wing parties: the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People’s Party) and Norway’s Fremskrittspartiet (FrP, Progress Party). Both parties have long been led by women although Pia Kjærsgaard of the DF recently stepped down, leaving the party leadership to Kristian Thulesen Dahl, a man of the younger generation of party members; Siv Jensen in Norway smoothly followed the long-term and charismatic leadership of Carl I. Hagen in 2006. The main focus of the paper, however, is on Pia Kjærsgaard, discussing the role gender plays in relation to her style, rhetoric and/or discursive strategies, but also in the gendered constructions featured in the Danish mainstream media. In the article, Meret also refers to the case of Marine Le Pen and the Front national (FN) in order to consider whether the Nordic cases represent a specific framework for female leadership, highly influenced by context and opportunity. 相似文献
74.
Nicholas Allen 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(1):141-145
The three televised leaders’ debates dominated the 2010 general election campaign. The House of Lords Communications Committee report on Broadcast General Election Debates is the product of a welcome but belated public inquiry into their organisation and conduct. The report is supportive of the view that ‘broadcast general election debates should take place during future campaigns’ and makes a number of cautious recommendations to the broadcasters. At the time of writing it was unclear whether the format proposed by the broadcasters for 2015 would be an improvement on that for 2010—or even if there would be any debates at all. 相似文献
75.
How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position 下载免费PDF全文
Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government. 相似文献
76.
傅爱红 《山东行政学院学报》2004,(3):114-116
民事执行程序是为保障主体的民事权利而设的,在整个诉讼程序中具有重要的作用。我国现行法律对执行当事人的规定存在诸多不足。为保障胜诉者的权利,使生效判决不致成为一纸空文,在当前“执行难”问题一直困扰法院的情况下,完善我国执行当事人变更和追加制度显得更加具有意义。 相似文献
77.
强化民主党派特色为中华民族复兴增添新力量 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
廖继红 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2004,(3):19-22
民主党派是实现中华民族伟大复兴的重要力量,民主党派具有的特色是其存在和发展的立足之基,力量之源.新时期,必须进一步强化民主党派特色、发挥民主党派的特殊功能作用,努力为中华民族伟大复兴增添新力量. 相似文献
78.
关于参政党建设的几个问题与对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
牟文华 《中央社会主义学院学报》2002,(5):65-68
参政党建设问题直接关系到中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度的长期存在、延续和发展 ,事关重大 ,意义深远。目前参政党建设有三个问题应予以重视和切实解决 :全面实现政治交接是参政党建设的核心 ;培养造就一大批新一代代表性人士和领导骨干是参政党建设的关键 ;适量发展优秀成员是参政党建设的基础 相似文献
79.
尹志强 《国家检察官学院学报》2004,12(6):72-76
民法基本原则是具体法律规范的指导,具有补充具体规范不足的作用。但在具体案件中,只有在没有具体规范或适用具体规范有冲突时才直接适用基本原则处理案件。四川省泸州市两级法院在对著名的"遗赠纠纷案"的判决中都以"违反基本原则"为根据认定遗嘱无效。该判决适用法律不当。为维护法律秩序,我们应当尊重当事人依法处分自己财产的权利。 相似文献
80.
贾小明 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2007,(1):11-14
中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是我国的一项基本政治制度.和谐是我国政党关系的根本特点和优点,参政党是促进政党关系长期和谐的责任主体,加强参政党建设是促进政党关系长期和谐的重要条件. 相似文献