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11.
为进一步分析H7N2禽流感病毒(AIV)分离株血凝素(HA)基因的特性,参照已发表序列设计了1对引物,采用RT-PCR获得了1条约1.7 kb的DNA片段,测序后进行了同源性比较、HA基因系统发育进化树分析和氨基酸编码分析。结果表明,所测的2个分离株的HA基因全长1 664 bp,编码除信号肽以外的HA蛋白的全部544个氨基酸,其中包括HA1的323个氨基酸,HA2的221个氨基酸。2个分离株HA基因核苷酸序列的同源性为99.4%;与GenBank中AIV标准株A/Afri.Star./Eng-Q/983/79(H7N1)的同源性最高,分别为99.4%和99.0%;与美国A/Chicken/NewYork/13142-5/94(H7N2)株同源性很低(仅65.0%),而与以色列、意大利H7N2AIV的同源性较高(为96%~97%);2个分离株在HA基因进化树中均处于H7亚型AIV的欧亚群系分支内。推导氨基酸的序列分析表明,其HA蛋白裂解位点的氨基酸序列为-GR-GLF-,仅包含1个碱性氨基酸(R-)残基,符合低致病力AIV的基因特征。  相似文献   
12.
平等思想历来是中外思想家所关注和深入研究的大问题,英国近代思想家托尼是研究平等思想的著名学者,他从天赋、平等对待和平等推进等角度极赋见地地论述和阐发了平等思想,他的所有政治构想、经济研究和对社会、历史的探索都是围绕平等展开的。可以说平等是托尼全部政治思想的基础和核心。  相似文献   
13.
采用RT-PCR方法对1株H9N2亚型禽流感病毒Ck/GS/2/99株RNA聚合酶基因PB2、PB1和PA分别进行了扩增,将其克隆到pGEM-T easy载体后进行序列测定与分析。结果表明,该株病毒的PB2、PB1和PA基因开放阅读框(ORF)分别由2280、2274和2 151个碱基组成,分别编码759、757和716个氨基酸。经同源性与系统发生树分析,该毒株RNA聚合酶基因PB2、PB1和PA与Ck/NX/4/99株的核苷酸和氨基酸同源性均在98%以上,另外这3个基因与Dk/HK/Y280/97、Sw/HK/9/98和Qu/HK/NT/28/99株的关系密切。  相似文献   
14.
人脑挫伤后HSP70和iNOS表达研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
目的探讨人脑挫伤后不同时间内HSP70和iNOS表达的变化关系。方法应用免疫组织化学染色观察35例人脑挫伤组织HSP70和iNOS表达的变化规律。结果HSP70阳性细胞在即刻死亡组表达强度最大,伤后急剧下降,至24h达最低,以后逐渐恢复。iNOS阳性细胞表达强度在伤后48h升高至最大,以后逐渐下降,在伤后11d仍有弱表达。结论HSP70和iNOS免疫组化染色可以作为推断人脑挫伤经过时间的有效指标。  相似文献   
15.
H2O2诱导PC12细胞凋亡前后miRNA的变化及探讨   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
Wang F  Li ZH 《法医学杂志》2007,23(5):328-331
目的用微小RNA(miRNA)基因芯片技术检测H2O2诱导凋亡的PC12细胞和正常PC12细胞miR-NA的表达谱差异。方法分别以不同浓度的H2O2处理PC12细胞12h,用MTT和流式细胞仪检测处理后细胞的生长活力和凋亡情况;分别提取A(0浓度H2O2处理组)和B(400nmol/LH2O2处理组)PC12细胞的miRNA做miRNA基因芯片检测。结果以A组作为对照,30、50、100、200、400nmol/L的H2O2处理的PC12细胞生存率分别为(92±9.80)%、(90±14.70)%、(80±13.85)%、(54±12.33)%、(22±7.35)%(P<0.01);0、30、50、100、200和400nmol/L的H2O2处理的PC12细胞早期凋亡率分别为2.6%、5.2%、7.2%、10.4%、16.6%、72.2%;在样品A中共筛选出68个有效表达的miRNA分子数据,在样品B中筛选出46个有效表达的miRNA分子数据,两者样品中均检测到有效表达的miRNA分子有39个,其中与样品A相比,在样品B中显著性下调表达的有6个。结论为脑缺血再灌注损伤中神经细胞凋亡的机制和治疗的研究提供了理论依据和新的研究思路。  相似文献   
16.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(5):432-453
ABSTRACT

In public the 37th President of the United States did not express hostility or disparagement, or show any signs of religious prejudice towards Jews. But inside the White House, Richard M. Nixon's remarks were often scurrilous. His antisemitism was not casual; it was close to compulsive. And it could be coupled with other seething grievances, for example, towards liberals, radicals, the media, Blacks and Italian-Americans. Yet Nixon controlled his antisemitism. It had no adverse effect on Jewish life, either at home or abroad. The malice that he nurtured remained unmobilized. Apart from a few limited personnel instances (mostly but not completely ignored by Nixon's underlings), it is impossible to connect private resentment to public policy, probably because the barriers to the expression of antisemitism in the United States have been so high. The ugliness of his utterances in the Oval Office revealed his character, but did not extend outward to shape the processes of governance. A disconnect can therefore be discerned between what he felt and how he acted. Most American Jews voted for Nixon's Democratic opponents in 1968 and 1972. But even Jews who voted against him, even those who loathed him, have often acknowledged that Nixon's policies fortified the security of Israel; and he was proud of his support for the Jewish state during the Yom Kippur War. What betrayed Nixon, and what forced him to resign the presidency, was his decision to instal a secret taping system in the Oval Office. When the tapes were played in 1974, he showed himself to be conspiring to obstruct justice. In subsequent years, further exposure of the tapes revealed the extent and intensity of Nixon's antipathy to Jews. The expletives that had to be deleted did much to besmirch the dignity of the office. But such was the stigma the political culture attached to antisemitism that, had his bigotry become public before 1968, Nixon's career would have been over.  相似文献   
17.
H9亚型禽流感病毒RT-PCR检测方法的建立   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
通过分析流感数据库中123个HA序列,根据HA保守区序列设计并合成了1对引物,建立了一步法RT-PCR检测方法,预期扩增片段大小为732 bp。通过对H9亚型禽流感病毒(AIV)不同稀释度的尿囊液和棉拭子浸出液进行检测,证实病毒尿囊液的最低检出量为1×104.7EID50/mL;阳性棉拭子的最低检出量为1×102.5EID50/mL。用该方法检测H1~H15亚型AIV和鸡新城疫病毒等其他14种禽病病原,结果仅有H9亚型AIV出现特异性目的条带,而其他均未出现目的条带。脏器及咽喉、泄殖腔棉拭子样品在1∶10稀释度下,病毒分离和RT-PCR方法可以达到相同的阳性检出率。表明建立的AIV H9亚型RT-PCR方法具有较好的特异性和敏感性。  相似文献   
18.
为明确3株鸭源H9N2亚型禽流感病毒福建株A/Muscovy duck/Fujian/CL/1997(H9N2)(简称CL株)、A/duck/Fujian/MH/2003(H9N2)(简称MH株)和A/duck/Fujian/FQ2/2007(H9N2)(简称FQ2株)全基因组的分子特征和遗传进化情况,采用RT-PCR方法扩增这3株病毒全基因片段,并进行序列比较及遗传进化分析。结果表明,所克隆的8个基因片段均有完整的开放阅读框,其血凝素基因蛋白裂解位点的氨基酸组成为-RSSR*GLF-,为不连续的碱性氨基酸,其静脉接种指数远小于1.2,均符合低致病性AIVHA蛋白裂解位点特征;CL株和MH株的HA基因在遗传进化上属于常见的CK/BJ/1/94群系;FQ2株HA基因在遗传进化上属于DK/HK/Y280/97群系,3株H9N2亚型AIV HA基因在遗传进化上均属于经典的欧亚种系。3株H9N2亚型AIV NA基因颈部均存在缺失,CL株和MH株的NA基因在遗传进化上属于常见的CK/BJ/1/94群系,FQ2株NA基因在遗传进化上属于G1群系。CL株和MH株的其他6个基因在遗传进化上均和经典的CK/BJ/1/94一致,而FQ2株则可能是由不同流感病毒基因亚系间发生自然重排的产物。  相似文献   
19.
Studies of capital punishment worldwide investigate how international influence affects the death penalty. We analyze European influence on the death penalty in Russia over the imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet periods, using two parameters: the changing mechanisms of influence in each period and the death penalty's significance in the broader spectrum of punitive violence. On the first parameter, in the tsarist period, European influence on Russian policy was “productive” – exercised through prestige, moral suasion, and “diffusion.” In the Soviet period, European influence was blocked. In the post-Soviet period, European influence is coercive, as the Council of Europe has unsuccessfully sought to compel Russia to abolish its death penalty. On the second parameter, the death penalty in Russia has always been only one of many forms of state-sanctioned punitive killing. In consequence, the Council's involvement in Russia's death penalty has produced an incoherent policy outcome and has entangled the Council in Russia's authoritarian politics. Russia thus exemplifies the hazards of external involvement in death penalty abolition.  相似文献   
20.
The Time Machine of H. G. Wells stands as one of the foundational works of science fiction. It is a true product of its time, a reflection of the fast pace of technological development and social change that makes a romance of the ideology of advancement for its own sake. But between the lines of its “adventure” plot, we find evidence of another, more complex story being told. Wells's work is plagued by ambivalence about the outcome of social and scientific progress—the selfsame progress that gave birth to the time machine in the first place. The Time Machine, in short, is preoccupied by an anxiety about a catastrophe just around the corner, not one born of global war or political turmoil but rather of the absence of turmoil, of need, of struggle. The idea and possibility of fiction itself becomes entangled in this problem of the everyday catastrophe, as it nearly suffocates under the conditions of the utopian society which it creates.  相似文献   
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