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排序方式: 共有334条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
181.
周庆智 《北京行政学院学报》2016,(3):1-10
代理治理模式揭示基层政府治理的性质,指出基层政府治理体系的核心元素是政治治理而不是科层治理,是党政统合体系与威权治理结构的多重因素作用结果。代理治理模式有三个基本特征:代理治理是政治职能与行政职能的统合体系;代理治理与社会是一种统治关系;代理治理是一种多中心权威治理结构。代理治理模式的权力来源在国家,不在基层社会,向上级政府(国家)负责,与基层社会没有授权关系。代理治理模式的现代转型,应从基层政府的政治职能与行政职能的分离着手,以民主法治原则来建构基层政府的权力结构和治理体系,在行政职能上建构政府治理的公共本质,在政治职能上建构基层治理的社会授权关系。 相似文献
182.
This study examines neighborhood economic improvement, what is occurring in nearby neighborhoods, and the consequences for neighborhood crime rates. Negative binomial regression models are estimated to explain the relationship between the increase in average home values (a component of gentrification) and crime in Los Angeles between 1990 and 2000. We find that the spatial context is important, as gentrifying neighborhoods located on the “frontier” of the gentrification process have significantly more aggravated assaults than gentrifying neighborhoods surrounded by neighborhoods also undergoing improvement. Furthermore, this effect is stronger in neighborhoods that began the decade with the highest average home values. Our findings indicate that the extent to which neighborhoods are more or less embedded in a larger process of economic improvement, and where the neighborhood is at in the economic development process, has differential effects on neighborhood crime. 相似文献
183.
This paper explores the dynamics of the highly fluid Italian legislative party system. It uses the same theoretical approach as the paper by Laver and Kato (this issue) to explore the making and breaking of governments in Italy following electoral reform. Under office-seeking motivational assumptions, the electoral system provides incentives for parties to band together into cartels in order to fight elections, with the winning cartel forming a government coalition. Inter-electoral legislative party competition, however, within a structure of permissive rules on the formation of legislative party groups, provides incentives for at least some members of the winning cartel to defect. The facility with which legislative parties can split and combine in Italy creates a highly dynamic decisive structure underpinning the making and breaking of governments. This cannot usefully be analysed with traditional models that take parties as unitary actors and assume that the party system is essentially fixed for the entire inter-electoral period. 相似文献
184.
This paper investigates popular financial reporting, to determine how contextual factors can favour or hinder its development. A balanced panel dataset from 289 Swedish municipalities spanning the period 2015–2021 is utilised for the empirical analysis, which is based on bivariate correlations and logistic regression models. The results are interpreted through the lens of legitimacy theory, integrated with innovation and diffusion models. The findings suggest that, while political factors play a certain role, it is primarily the local accounting networks, which enable the exchange of experiences among neighbouring municipalities within the same regional area, that are the most influential factor. These results may prove to be helpful in various contexts, contributing to the academic debate on the relevance of institutional and contextual factors in explaining the voluntary decision to prepare popular financial reports. 相似文献
185.
Richard Mulgan 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2010,69(3):289-300
The relationship between ministers and public servants has been a longstanding topic among students of Australian public administration. Recent debate has centred on issues of supposed politicisation and excessive responsiveness in the Australian Public Service (APS), caused, in part, by the weakened tenure of department heads (secretaries). The recent Moran report has little to say on this relationship. It endorses changes to the appointment processes for secretaries which are presumably designed to strengthen secretaries’ independence from their political masters. It adopts a view of citizen‐centred service and strategic leadership that appears to marginalise ministers. Its approach to public sector leadership is taken from international management theory that works well in a business context and in the United States (US) government system. It is less well‐suited to Westminster‐style systems. 相似文献
186.
We demonstrate that fixed- and random-effects models for pooled cross-sectional and time series data, and latent growth curve
models for panel data are special cases of a more general model. We compare the estimates obtained from each type of model
for a data set consisting of homicide rates and a vector of explanatory variables for 400 US counties over a 15-year period.
Most, but not all, estimates are similar in the two models. We identify circumstances under which one approach may be advantageous
to the other.
相似文献
David F. GreenbergEmail: |
187.
Michel Fouquin 《Economic Change and Restructuring》2008,41(4):289-313
Institutional regionalization has come very late to East Asia compared with Europe, but its pace has dramatically increased
since the mid-1990s. Many agreements, including bilateral ones such as those signed between Japan and Singapore, or pluri-lateral
ones such as those between ASEAN countries, cover an ever increasing number of countries of the East Asian region, including
Japan, India, and China. We first analyze Asian integration as a de facto, spontaneous, development of trade. Trade specialization
in Asia has often been described as guided by the different levels of development of the countries participating in the regional
integration. It constitutes a vertical division of labor between poor countries exporting natural resources and/or labor-intensive
products to developed countries exporting machinery, sophisticated parts and components, and high-tech products. This trade
structure is radically different from the European horizontal division of labor (exchange of different varieties of similar
goods). Then we look at the micro-economic level how Japanese firms tend to integrate Asia into their international network,
with Japanese partners being used as relays for Japanese export of semi-manufactured products. Last we present a simulation
with the MIRAGE model of a scenario of general regionalization in which all the regions of the world develop preferential
treatment for neighboring countries. These agreements are limited to industrial products with particular attention to the
automotive sector. The main results are that Asia is the main winner in such a scenario, and within Asia it is Japan and Korea
that will be the main winners. In fact, because developing Asia is one of the most protected regions of the world, the impact
of liberalization is also the highest. Second, Japan and Korea are best placed to profit from these regional agreements, because
other developed countries are excluded from the market of developing Asia. They also have superiority in manufacturing goods
whereas countries like China might have problems upscaling their industrial production. Nevertheless our model did not take
into account the voluntary pace of development chosen by China and that she will use her powerful state system to avoid being
locked into low-tech, low-value-added products.
相似文献
Michel FouquinEmail: |
188.
This article focuses on the Italian and Spanish models of growth and analyses labour market, human capital and innovation policy reforms since the mid 1990s. The comparison with France and Germany shows the constraints that have hindered the rise of institutional complementarities and the competitiveness of the two Mediterranean countries already before the introd uction of the euro and the outbreak of the 2008 crisis. The analysis highlights both similarities and structural differences between Italy and Spain and demonstrates the long-term institutional conditions that explain why the economic breakdown has had such a deep impact on the two countries. 相似文献
189.
A significant body of literature has examined racial and ethnic inequalities in sentencing, focusing on how individual court actors make decisions, but fewer scholars have examined whether disparities are institutionalized through legal case factors. After finding racial and ethnic inequalities in pretrial detention, conviction, and incarceration based on 4 years of felony court data (N = 83,924) from Miami-Dade County, we estimate nonlinear decomposition models to examine how much of the inequalities are explained by differences in criminal history, charging, and for conviction and incarceration, pretrial detention. Results suggest that inequality is greatest between White non-Latinos and Black Latinos, followed by White non-Latinos and Black non-Latinos, ranging from 4 to more than 8 percentage points difference in the probability of pretrial detention, 7–13 points difference in conviction, 5–6 points in prison, and 4–10 points difference in jail. We find few differences between White non-Latinos and White Latinos. Between half and three-quarters of the inequality in pretrial detention, conviction, and prison sentences between White non-Latino and Black people is explained through legal case factors. Our findings indicate that inequality is, in part, institutionalized through legal case factors, suggesting these factors are not “race neutral” but instead racialized and contribute to inequalities in court outcomes. 相似文献
190.
Wilhelmina J. Greeff 《Communicatio》2017,43(1):103-121
Managers in the construction sector are met with a critical charge: they are responsible for the safety of employees in one of the most notoriously dangerous industries in the world. In terms of managing the safety climate of construction site environments, no recommendations have been made in the literature that truly elucidate the role of organisational communication therein. The aim of this research was to fill this void by enriching the seminal work of Mohamed (2002) which focusses on the nature of the safety climate in construction organisations, and the factors it is comprised of. To this end, the research comprised a data-triangulated qualitative and quantitative empirical study undertaken at nine different construction sites in South Africa, which allowed for the reformulation of the model for safety climate management in construction environments, with an added understanding of the role of communication therein. The findings indicated that communication is conducive to a positive safety climate when it is managed to be strategic, holistic, relational and symmetrical. The model put forward in this article offers an empirical application of the four identified constructs of communication, which gives way to data-driven recommendations for use in construction organisation settings. 相似文献