论经济纠纷与经济犯罪交叉案件的处理原则——先刑后民原则的适用

“先刑后民”是司法实践中公安、司法机关处理经济纠纷与经济犯罪交叉案件的原则之一。目前,立法上关于经济纠纷与经济犯罪交叉案件处理标准的规定过于抽象,导致司法实践中公安、司法机关对“先刑后民”原则适用较为混乱。因此,应当从明确适用标准和健全移送机制两方面完善“先刑后民”原则在经济纠纷与经济犯罪交叉案件中的适用规则。     

家族资源及其现代价值——以浦江郑氏家族为例

浦江郑氏辉煌的家族史蕴藏着丰富的家族资源。郑氏家族资源既包含由聚落—建筑和生态—环境构成的空间系统、丰富的家族文献史料等物质形态，更包含由十五世同居历史凝练、积淀而成的，以孝义、廉正、内聚力为核心内容的家族精神特质。其家族资源不仅具有重要的旅游价值，同时也具有教化和激励价值。     

第一个政党性的国际工人组织——第一国际光芒四射

1864年成立的国际工人协会,史称第一国际.从马克思为它起草的成立宣言和共同章程可以看出,它不是一般的群众性的国际工人组织,而是第一个政党性的国际工人组织.它旨在从上而下促进各国建立工人阶级政党,领导工人阶级夺取政权,实现工人阶级解放.第一国际存在12年.它大力支持各国工人争取自身权益的斗争和被压迫民族的民族解放运动.它促进了第一个工人阶级政党德国社会民主工党的建立和第一个工人政权巴黎公社的事业.它促进了马克思主义战胜各种非科学社会主义流派,促进了科学社会主义的发展.它的历史地位是在以前的共产主义同盟和以后的第二国际之间承前启后、继往开来的桥梁和引擎.当今学习第一国际的历史,有特别重要的现实意义.     

美国言论自由之民意基础实证考察

实证考察表明,美国绝大多数公民在理论上崇尚言论自由,但在实践中却并非如此。美国之所以成为世界上言论自由保障程度最高的国家,这既与美国的自由主义政治、文化、法律传统相关联,又与美国司法界、学术界对言论自由价值的日益重视以及新闻媒体的身体力行密不可分。针对现实生活中存在的某些充满道德与法律争议的言论,多数美国公民的否定性态度与司法、学术和新闻传媒领域的主流群体所秉持的宽容与开放的立场,形成了评判美国言论自由事业的两个关键性支点和衡平力量。在美国宪政框架内,美国特色之言论自由事业的快车将驶向何方,值得中外学界不断关注与研究。     

浅析公安职业教育学员管理与以人为本

科学发展观引发了公安教育问题深层次的思考,推进了公安教育变革思想与创新思维的提出,指导了公安教育思想解放与体制创新的深入实践。云南警官学院学员大队的建立是为了适应公安"大教育、大培训"工作体系的建设而探索的公安职业教育管理新模式。如何坚持以人为本做好学员教育管理工作是摆在我们面前的一个重大而紧迫的课题。     

Financing multifamily rental housing: The changing role of lenders and investors

Abstract

A broad consensus exists that there are significant barriers to accessing capital markets for multifamily rental housing, particularly for housing targeted at low‐and moderate‐income households. While there is a growing secondary market for multifamily mortgages, the market is in the early stages of development and remains quite small. Expanding this market requires increasing standardization of mortgages, increasing credit quality with better underwriting and credit enhancement, and educating investors as to the risks and returns of multifamily investments. In addition, dramatically improved data collection on the performance of multifamily investments and analysis on the determinants of success are needed.     

Mark‐to‐market: A fundamental shift in affordable housing policy

Abstract

Residential mortgage underwriting practice has serious shortcomings, including fixation on the present rather than the future. Accept‐reject decisions reflect some unknown interaction among implicit macro projections, implicit micro projections, and implicit policy toward assuming risk, and there is no way to relate the decision process to its components. As a result, there is no satisfactory way for a lender to incorporate a particular macro‐economic outlook into its underwriting standards. Further, different mortgage designs often carry markedly different degrees of risk. Most critically, accountability for underwriting decisions is obscured.

This paper proposes a fundamentally new approach to underwriting that makes full use of new technology. Under this approach, macro and micro projections of the future and the lender's policy toward risk are explicitly specified. The accept‐reject decision is automatic and transparent. Each of the parties responsible for the components of underwriting decisions can be held accountable, with the underwriter responsible only for micro projections.     

Comment on Kerry D. Vandell's “FHA restructuring proposals: Alternatives and implications”

Abstract

New Orleans, a highly segregated city with low homeownership, experienced a tremendous number of housing foreclosures between 1985 and 1990. This study highlights the process and impact of foreclosure in the urban housing market, which contributes to an understanding of their impact on the spatial structure of the city. Two aspects of foreclosure are examined: the differential impacts of foreclosure on low‐income and African‐American householders and changes in socioeconomic conditions (neighborhood change and the spatial structure of the city) resulting from foreclosure.

Conventional wisdom holds that urban neighborhood transformation is driven largely by white flight. The data presented in this article suggest a counterhypoth‐esis. Middle‐income professional whites employed in businesses impacted by recession who had recently bought housing with high loan‐to‐value ratios were forced to sell or have their houses foreclosed upon. The depressed market, in turn, made such housing affordable to middle‐class blacks interested in homeownership. Thus, black economic opportunity, rather than white flight, dramatically transformed the racial composition of many New Orleans East neighborhoods.     

Housing Choice Vouchers and Crime in Charlotte,NC

Recent media attention and research have focused on the effect of housing vouchers on crime, with different conclusions. The purpose of this study is to bring further evidence to the voucher–crime debate, using annual data from 2000 to 2009 for Charlotte-Mecklenburg County. We study the relationship between crime counts and housing vouchers with quantile regression models with year and census tract fixed effects. We found that voucher households are associated with increased crime, controlling for past crime levels. Estimates vary, however, with the concentration of vouchers in the neighborhood, with little impact in areas with low concentrations. Estimates also vary with the neighborhood crime level. We extend the literature by examining the effect of different voucher family types, finding no evidence that elderly households or nonelderly households without disabilities and without children are associated with more crime. However, we found a very significant positive association for nonelderly households without disabilities with children. Our results indicate that significant crime reductions could be accomplished by focusing U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, local housing agency, and criminal justice resources on the types of places and voucher families most at risk for crime problems when a family uses a voucher to move into a new neighborhood.     

Comment on Kirk Mcclure's “The low‐income housing tax credit program goes mainstream and moves to the suburbs”

Abstract

As McClure's article notes, the Low‐Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) program has indeed gone mainstream. Given the tarnished reputation of many other federal low‐income housing programs, this is good news. It is also surprising in some ways considering the many programmatic flaws inherent in the LIHTC program.

As a point of departure, I look at why McClure and others are able to describe the program in a positive light despite its many flaws. I attribute this to the unique political culture of the United States, for which the LIHTC program is well suited. In addition, it sidesteps one of the thorniest problems that have bedeviled low‐income housing programs—the spatial isolation of poor minorities. Until the LIHTC program explicitly addresses this issue, however, any praise must be tempered by a great deal of caution.