Korea's technological development

Abstract

Indigenous peoples’ rights, including the right to self-determination, are increasingly codified in international law and policy and disseminated globally by international organizations. These norms mark a profound change in the ideals of citizenship promoted by the international community, away from linguistically and institutionally homogenous citizenship in centralized states to group-differentiated citizenship in decentralized, multi-level and multi-lingual states that use local and regional autonomy for the accommodation of indigenous peoples. Essential to realizing these norms is the devolution of some degree of autonomy to sub-central state units substantially controlled by indigenous communities. Because the transfer of powers to indigenous peoples is crucial to their accommodation, protection and participation in modern states, and because decentralization programs are an important component of reform agendas in most developing countries, it is important to understand how these emerging norms are integrated into real-world decentralization processes.

This article analyzes the application of the World Bank's safeguards policy for indigenous peoples within the institution's support to decentralization reform in Cambodia. The analysis demonstrates that under certain circumstances, the policy not only fails to translate into effective protection but leads to outcomes diametrically opposed to its objectives. In its current design, Bank support to decentralization contributes to the marginalization of indigenous peoples in Cambodia and undermines the institutional, cultural and natural resources upon which their empowerment and participation depends. In environments in which full compliance might be unrealistic to accomplish by individual projects, safeguard obligations lead to a strategy on the part of Bank projects of avoiding geographical and policy areas that are likely to trigger the safeguards policy, in order to reduce projects’ vulnerability to non-compliance claims. The article discusses how more effective application of the safeguards policy might be achieved and how strategies for the empowerment of indigenous peoples can more effectively draw on decentralization frameworks.     

A Distant Mirror: Nineteenth-Century Populism,Nativism, and Contemporary Right-Wing Radical Politics

Nineteenth-century America witnessed two major waves of populist mobilization. The first started in late 1840 in response to the massive influx of immigrants, predominantly from Catholic Ireland. The second occurred in the 1880s and 1890s, provoked by large-scale structural changes affecting rural America. Both movements promoted a far-reaching social and political reform agenda, which they believed would restore the country to its foundational roots: evangelical Protestantism directed primarily against the Catholic “invasion” in the first case, Jeffersonian republicanism directed against the collusion of money and politics in the second. Although both movements failed to realize their goals, they had a profound and lasting impact on the evolution of American identity. Nineteenth-century American populism thus offers a useful model for understanding present-day populist mobilization in Western Europe.     

Why Overcoming Prejudice is Not Enough: A Rejoinder to Richard Rorty

Abstract

Misrecognition, taken seriously as unjust social subordination, cannot be remedied by eliminating prejudice alone. In this rejoinder to Richard Rorty, it is argued that a politics of recognition and a politics of redistribution can and should be combined. However, an identity politics that displaces redistribution and reifies group differences is deeply flawed. Here, instead, an alternative ‘status’ model of recognition politics is offered that encourages struggles to overcome status subordination and fosters parity of participation. Integrating this politics of recognition with redistribution enables a coherent Left vision that could redress injustices of culture and of political economy simultaneously.     

The Two Sides of Recognition: Gender Justice and the Pluralization of Social Esteem

Abstract

This article seeks to sketch the contours of a good society, distinguished by its gender justice and the plural recognition of egalitarian difference. I begin by reconstructing Nancy Fraser's arguments highlighting the link between distributive justice and relations of recognition, in particular as it applies to gender justice. In a second step, I show that the debate on the politics of recognition has confirmed what empirical analyses already indicated, namely that Fraser's status model takes too reductive a stance towards the identity-constituting effects of relations of recognition. The simple demand that identities be recognized, however, glosses over the paradox of recognition, which arises out of the ambiguity between the demand for equal respect and the demand for the recognition of difference. This paradox cannot be resolved unless one takes into consideration the compensatory effect of value pluralism, that is, the inherent pluralism of recognition, well captured in the notion of "egalitarian difference".     

Apartheid,Jim Crow,and Comparative Literature

This article examines John Greyson’s film, Proteus, for the way it figures queer masculinity and race in South Africa’s national historical narrative. The film offers an esthetic rendering of an eighteenth century interracial sodomy trial set on Robben Island. Drawing on contemporary queer theory and recent South African narratives of masculinity that privilege heternormativity and nationalism, this paper argues that the film carves out a space for queer identity within national history where it had previously been denied. The paper traces the way that the film interjects queer narratives into South Africa’s national identity, disrupts the heteronormalization of various sites of national iconography on South Africa’s historical terrain (such as Robben Island), and offers a queer masculinity that resists racial segregation. Moreover, this paper traces the ways that the film has implications for contemporary queer communities within South Africa.     

移民政治认同对国家关系的影响——以东南亚一些国家为例

本文拟用政治学理论,以冷战时期的新加坡、印尼和缅甸等国为例,从移民政治认同、移民政治认同的建构入手,探讨移民政治认同对国家关系的影响。笔者认为,移民的政治认同,如同移民的文化认同一样,如果处理得不好,不能顺着时代的发展而有所变迁,不仅会给移民的生存和发展带来困难,而且也会引起国家之间的紧张,以致国家关系的破裂。     

运动员的身份定位与工伤保险赔偿探析

体育行政主管部门下属单位管理的运动员属于事业单位工作人员,这类运动员的工伤问题应按照事业单位工作人员的有关规定执行。规范化的体育职业俱乐部下的运动员具有劳动者的地位,这类运动员必须参加统筹地区的工伤保险。运动员工伤保险赔偿和第三人侵权赔偿竞合时不能重复赔偿;运动员工伤保险赔偿与伤残互助保险赔偿、商业保险赔偿竞合时可以重复赔偿。     

Identity and its verification

The European Commission's eJustice Strategy seems to contemplate that all lawyers will be issued with an ‘identity card’ card, perhaps intended to include a key for making digital signatures. The Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (CCBE) is proposing to introduce such a card. The purpose of this article is to clarify what ‘identity’ is and what is involved in verifying it, and to offer some general observations about identity cards. Although written with the eJustice proposals in mind, nevertheless the purpose of this article is to address the topic in its widest sense, which means it affects identity and its verification, whatever the circumstances.     

日本身份认同的演变及其对中日关系的影响

身份认同概念这一建构主义理论的重要组成要素,长期潜在地影响着中日关系的发展进程。建构主义提出身份决定利益,利益决定行为。以中日关系为例,在以往历史的发展进程中,中日两国都经历了几次角色身份的转变,随之对应的是外交决策的转变,进而影响到两国外交关系的发展。21世纪国际局势复杂多变,建构主义有助于弥补传统国际关系理论的不足,更好地诠释国与国之间的关系,也有助于探索解决国家间矛盾的新途径。     

本质的还是建构的?——论性倾向平等保护中的“不可改变”进路

性倾向和性别、种族一样,属于因出生而获得的"不可改变"特征,所以应该得到严格审查,得到宪法的平等保护。这一进路遭到了批评,因为关键问题在于政府立法和性倾向之间是否具有关联性。自然科学关于同性恋生物基础的研究对"不可改变"提供了强有力的支持,而这种本质主义的研究遭到了社会建构主义者强有力的批判,身份政治中的这一争论提醒我们,从"我也无能为力"的诉求中,同性恋权利不能获得真正的力量。