Ideological identity,issue-based ideology and bipolar affective polarization in multiparty systems: The cases of Argentina,Chile, Italy,Portugal and Spain

In multiparty contexts, we know that affective polarization tends to cluster in ideological blocs, although the factors driving this process are still quite unexplored. In this paper, we contribute to filling this gap in the literature by exploring the capacity of ideological identity vis-à-vis issue-based ideology to polarize sentiments towards party voters into two opposing left-right blocs. Specifically, we provide empirical evidence that affective attachments to ideological labels increase the affective distance between ideological blocs to a greater extent than issue extremity and issue consistency. These bipolarizing effects of ideological identity persist even when the identity is inconsistent with issue-based ideology. Additionally, we show that bipolar affective polarization exerts little reverse influence on ideological identity. We support these arguments using an original survey from the TRI-POL project carried out in five multiparty systems: Argentina, Chile, Italy, Portugal and Spain.     

公安高等院校大学生思想政治教育应当注重职业道德教育

公安高等院校大学生思想政治教育的重要目标之一,就是培养预备警察具备社会主义事业建设者和接班人所必需的思想道德素质,这内在地蕴涵了对预备警察职业道德素质方面的要求。把职业道德素质的培养作为公安高等院校大学生思想政治教育的重要任务,符合国家对人才素质的期望和毕业生个人职业定向的需要。公安高等院校大学生思想政治教育应在内涵方面注重警察职业道德素质的培养。     

The Impact of the Economic Crisis on the Ideological Space in Portugal and Greece: A Comparison of Elites and Voters

This work addresses the dimensions and content of ideological space in Portugal and Greece after the onset of the sovereign debt crisis and the imposition of austerity policies in the two countries. By examining both elite interviews and public opinion data, the article principally attempts to determine whether the economic crisis has created a new division in ideological space by cross-cutting or completely replacing older ones. In addition, we attempt to gauge the position of crisis-related issues relative to issue divides on European integration and globalisation which, up to now, have been dormant in Southern European countries.     

Affective polarization in multiparty systems

Affective polarization captures the extent to which citizens feel sympathy towards partisan in-groups and antagonism towards partisan out-groups. This is comparatively easy to assess in two-party systems, but capturing the pattern of affect towards multiple parties is more complex in multiparty systems. This article first discusses these challenges and then presents different ways of measuring individual-level affective polarization using like-dislike scores, a widespread measure of party sympathy. Using data for 51 countries and 166 elections from five modules of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, I then show that affective polarization adds to existing concepts as a way of understanding political participation and democratic orientations. Studying affective polarization outside the US could therefore have important consequences for our understanding of citizen perceptions of politics as well as citizen behaviour, but we need the appropriate measures to do so.     

Change and continuity in the ideological gender gap a longitudinal analysis of left-right self-placement in OECD countries

When asked to place themselves on a left-right scale, men and women tend to take different positions. Over time, however ideological gender differences have taken a different form. While women were traditionally more right-leaning than men, from around the mid-1990s onwards they have been found to take positions to the left of men. Using an originally constructed dataset that includes information on the left-right self-placement of more than 2.5 million respondents in 36 OECD countries between 1973 and 2018, I empirically verify how the ideological gender gap has evolved since. The results show, first, that while women have shifted to the left since the late 1970s, the pace of this change has strongly diminished since the late 1990s. Second, there is important between-country variation in the size of the reversal in the ideological gender gap. Third, with the exception of the Silent generation and the Baby-boomers, newer generations of women have not taken more left-leaning positions than generations before them.     

人文关怀:思想政治教育的价值追求

思想政治教育的价值就是思想政治教育在促进人的全面发展和社会的全面进步方面的有用性和效用。人文关怀是思想政治教育的价值追求所在,它进一步体现出了思想政治教育在促进人的全面发展和社会进步方面的效用。一方面,思想政治教育要进一步强化育人价值,促进人的自由而全面发展,必然要求注重人文关怀;另一方面,思想政治教育要进一步发挥社会价值,推动经济社会又好又快发展,必然要求注重人文关怀。     

Economic voting in Spain: A 2000 panel test

Considerable research shows the economy matters for voters. But that view has come under attack, with revisionists arguing that it matters little. This dissenting view fits the Spanish case well, where reigning research finds virtually no economic voting exists. We argue against the revisionist view, suggesting that conclusion stems largely from methodological limitations in its supporting cross-sectional survey analyses. Given the causality question these analyses raise, particularly in the context of likely endogeneity, a panel analysis is called for. We examine the most recent available panel survey, from the 2000 general election, estimating fully specified multinomial logit models. We find strong economic effects. Spain appears, after all, to have an electorate capable of holding the government economically accountable, at least in this instance.     

高校思想政治理论课的历史考察及经验启示

高校思想政治理论课是社会主义大学的本质特征,是对大学生进行思想政治教育的主渠道。面对新形势、新情况和新要求,考察和总结新中国成立以来高校思想政治理论课的发展轨迹及基本经验,对于进一步加强高校思想政治理论课的改革与建设、提高教育教学效果,具有十分重要的意义。     

高职院校《思想道德修养与法律基础》课现状及对策研究

根据《思想道德修养与法律基础》课在湖北职业技术学院现状的调查情况,对当前高职院校《思想道德修养与法律基础》课状况从社会环境、学生自身情况以及学校普遍情况进行了全面地分析,并针对存在的问题提出了改善学校的教育环境和加强《基础》课教学等相应的对策和建议。     

浅论思想政治教育的生态价值

生态环境问题已成为一个时代的问题。面临着人类的生态危机,思想政治教育要有所作为。突破原有价值局限,除了为物质文明、政治文明、精神文明服务外,还应该为生态文明建设服务,挖掘、深化并实现思想政治教育生态价值是时代所赋予的新课题。