思想品德课程评价改革的思考

实现思想品德课程改革目标的必要条件之一,就是要建立与之相适应的课程与教学评价体系。但从总体来看,思想品德课程与教学评价还存在不少问题,需要进一步改革。思想品德课程评价要坚持方向性原则、发展性原则、整体性原则。     

切入与融合:高校学生思想政治教育与心理辅导的实践路径

心理辅导在高校思想政治教育中实际运用的思路和途径日益明晰,主要采用:个别心理辅导、开设心理指导课、建立心理档案等。但是我国高校的心理辅导工作受资金、技术、人员等多方面限制,特别是在观念、组织等方面还存在许多问题。针对上述问题,可以从以下方面规范心理辅导在高校思想政治教育中的实际运用:充分认识心理辅导在高校中的重要地位;加强心理辅导培训,走专业发展的道路,以造就新型的思想政治教育工作者;全面开展心理辅导工作,积极探索心理辅导与思想政治教育相结合的新路子。     

对提高高校思想政治课教学效果的思考

高校思想政治课教学是建设社会主义核心价值体系，增强社会主义意识形态吸引力和凝聚力这一任务的主要载体之一。要完成这一任务，就要提高教学效果，要提高教学效果，就要从把握学情，激发兴趣，改革教学方式着手。     

改革开放三十年中国意识形态建设的历程与媒体的作用

本文重点探讨改革开放30年来我国意识形态建设的历程，从宏观的视角观察我国媒体发生的变化，以及30年来我国媒体和意识形态所面临的挑战，并且就如何进一步发挥媒体的作用，以推进意识形态建设提出若干建议。     

苏联农村政治、意识形态关系的变化与新经济政策的结束：1921-1929

苏联新经济政策时期,苏共为了加强在农村的政治与意识形态基础,采取了一切可能的措施,这些措施逐渐改变了苏联农村的政治与意识形态关系。农村政治与意识形态关系的改变,使农村青年产生了强烈的改变生活现状的要求,这些要求在新经济政策范围内无法得到满足,在农村产生了强烈的社会变革的要求。斯大林的大转变为急于改变生活现状的农村青年提供了机会,他们因此成为结束新经济政策的主要支持者。     

公安思想政治工作应坚持"八个结合"

思想政治工作是加强公安机关政治建设的重要方面,应做到“新旧”结合,“远近”结合,“情理”结合,“教管”结合,“理利”结合,“说干”结合,“纵横”结合,“内外”结合。     

论"觉悟"

"觉悟"一词对每一个从事思想政治工作的人来说并不陌生,但深究"觉悟"本质涵义的人却寥寥无几,现实生活中,由于人们对觉悟概念的模糊认识,导致人们经常把与觉悟密切相关的几个范畴误以为就是觉悟,而不顾人的觉悟规律,使思想政治工作踏入"误区",久久不见成效!本文试图从"觉悟"的原始含义入手,准确阐明觉悟概念及其相关理论体系,使政治工作者进一步明确觉悟的概念、分类、提高途径及对政治工作的有益启示.     

论语文教学中的思想品德教育

语文教学中的思想品德教育,主要是通过具体可感的艺术形象对学生进行教育.其主要特征是情理交融性、榜样表率性、自然渗透性等,在语文教学中运用联系实际法、情感陶冶法,培养学生重德、重国家社稷、以天下为已任的高度责任感,使他们真正成为21世纪的"四有"新人.     

How do voters perceive ideological congruence? The effects of winning and losing under different electoral rules

The degree of ideological congruence between citizens and their elected representatives is an important feature of democratic systems of government. A long tradition of literature has examined the ideological linkages between citizens and governments, often drawing attention to the differences (or lack thereof) in congruence across different types of electoral systems. Previous research has largely relied on aggregate-level measures of ideological congruence, such as the ideological distance between the position of the median voter and the government. We turn our attention here to how congruence relationships are perceived by individual voters, and how the perceptions of congruence may vary across electoral system types. This individual-level measure of ideological congruence is important in that individual-level, rather than aggregate-level, congruence has been shown to influence other outcomes such as citizen satisfaction with democratic performance. We expect electoral “winners” – those who voted for a party that entered government – to perceive greater ideological congruence between themselves and the government compared to electoral “losers”. We expect this effect to be stronger in majoritarian systems where political competition takes place primarily between two parties, than in proportional systems where electoral losers are more likely to receive a proportional share of representation. We test these expectations by estimating random-effects regressions of perceived individual-level congruence using data from 54 elections held in 23 democracies included in the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). The results provide consistent support for our expectations. Electoral winners in all types of electoral systems perceive greater ideological congruence between themselves and the government, and this effect is stronger in majoritarian systems.     

Does economic inequality undermine political equality? Testing two common assumptions

In recent years, scholars have expressed concern that democratic political systems are more responsive to rich citizens than to poor citizens under conditions of economic inequality. However, it is unclear whether economic inequality leads to unequal influence on government. Moreover, despite claims that proportional representation reduces inequalities in representation, there is no evidence that it does. I test these two prominent claims by connecting two types of citizens’ preferences to the composition of government in non-presidential systems using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) dataset. I find that rich citizens gain better representation in government than the poor more often than the reverse. However, I find no evidence of an association between economic inequality and inequalities in representation or that proportional representation influences income gaps in representation.