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21.
郭财新 《学理论》2011,(28):50-52
马克思主义引领着我国社会思潮的发展,完整、全面地理解马克思市民社会理论对于我国市民社会研究与建设具有积极的意义。面对马克思市民社会理论研究中存在的争议,就需要在研究中在更深的层次上不断回到起点,重温经典,对马克思市民社会理论作更基础的研究。《德意志意识形态》作为马克思第一次系统阐释市民社会理论著作,同时在马克思市民社会理论发展过程中具有承上启下的作用,通过对著作中市民社会概念作进一步的梳理,能够清楚地展现马克思的市民社会概念的逻辑演进历程,廓清马克思市民社会概念的理论内涵,同时界定市民社会概念在马克思主义唯物史观创立过程中的特殊地位。  相似文献   
22.
This article offers a critical discursive analysis of proper names used in Polish political discourse, focusing on six addresses to the nation made by prominent public figures of the Polish political scene?the president, prime minister, and the primate of the Catholic Church. The names used in the speeches did not function merely as means of referring to places or persons. The speakers used them to construct an ideologically preferred reality. Those used by the president of Poland ''embellished'' the Communist past of the country and showed his political (post-Communist) option as a viable proposal for Poland. The speeches made by the primate of Poland created a politically uncontroversial image of the country, with the head of the Catholic Church positioned as a moral authority. Finally, the visible absence of names in the prime minister's speech represented the etatistic view of Poland.  相似文献   
23.
Erin Steuter 《政治交往》2013,30(4):257-278
Conservative terrorism scholars have made the claim that the media have become a propaganda tool for terrorists and sympathetically portray terrorist activities. This article provides quantitative and qualitative data from Time magazine in 1986 suggesting that this view is mistaken. News production is treated as a social process that both informs and obscures, rather than as a neutral process that simply provides ‘objective’ facts. The results of the investigation reveal seven ways in which ideology is manifested in the terrorism news: semantics, language, headlines, social and historical context, treatment of objectives, trivialization, and amplification of violence. The ideological uniformity and lack of diversity apparent in terrorism news suggests that this kind of treatment results in a lack of understanding of the media/terrorism relationship and serves to support conservative views about the nature of terrorism and appropriate responses to it.  相似文献   
24.
<中共中央关于进一步繁荣发展哲学社会科学的意见>高度评价哲学社会科学在社会主义现代化建设中不可替代的重要地位,同时也提出了新世纪哲学社会科学工作的重要历史任务,其中坚持和巩固马克思主义的指导思想地位就是一项崇高的历史使命.这是特殊的历史时代特殊历史条件下的光荣使命.哲学社会科学工作者应当以崇高的历史责任感出色完成这一伟大的历史使命.  相似文献   
25.
在多元文化场域背景下,马克思主义意识形态话语权面临着主导地位被削弱、权威身份被消解、功能定位被干扰的挑战和困境。研判和考察多元文化场域中马克思主义意识形态话语权的变化,推进马克思主义意识形态话语权的建构,能够有效应对多元文化思想对马克思主义意识形态话语权的冲击,对捍卫马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位具有重要的意义和价值。  相似文献   
26.
意识形态的传播是价值观的传播。它通过满足利益诉求、提供精神寄托、产生价值共鸣、形成情感认同等满足人的精神需要而得到传播。马克思主义意识形态的传播既遵循一般意识形态传播的规律,又有知识传播的特点。在改革开放的新时期,要揭橥马克思主义人的解放的主旨,满足现实社会各阶层群众在观念层面上对利益、价值、精神和情感的要求,从而实现马克思主义的广泛传播。  相似文献   
27.
随着第三波民主化浪潮的兴起,台湾开始了由传统的党国威权体制向民主体制的转型.在这一过程中,国民党以党务革新为标志,开始了自身的适应性转型.这一次有点被动的转型,标志着国民党已经不能按照过去的方式来统治台湾,它必须对政党本身和政治体制本身进行变革,以适应台湾社会的变迁,并延续政党的生命力.虽然国民党的改革已经不是第一次,但是这次转变,是国民党在民主转型时期进行的、迁台近四十年来的第一次重大转型,虽没有与过去"完全决裂",但在组织结构、意识形态和党政运作方面,却也基本决裂了.  相似文献   
28.
邓小平的廉政建设思想,集中反映在六个方面廉政建设与经济建设;廉政建设与惩治腐败;廉政建设与党风建设;廉政建设与群众路线;廉政建设与法制建设;廉政建设与监督机制.  相似文献   
29.
Vladimir Putin provides us with an excellent example of a politician whose attitude toward ideology is instrumental to his political longevity. He has shown that in the fight between ideology and political expedience, to maintain authority and control within the country, or to achieve geopolitical ambitions in the international arena, ideology will almost always lose the battle. It is well known that the major threat to political power stems often not from the adversary who holds diametrically opposite views, but from the rivals who share almost the same ideological position. The closer the ideological position is of a rival, the more intense the competition. For just this reason Putin is implacable toward Communists who share many of his views. He tries as much as possible to reduce the political role of the Communist party - the most serious opposition to the regime - by using the same underhanded tactics which are used against the liberals.  相似文献   
30.
The Italian party system largely collapsed in the early 1990s, providing us with a natural experimental situation in which voters were confronted with new parties – indeed, with an entirely new party system. How did they react? This paper develops a number of expectations on the basis of existing theory and tests these expectations using a dataset consisting of election studies conducted in Italy between 1985 and 2008. We find that a new party system causes confusion as to where parties stand in left-right terms, making it difficult for voters to make their choices on the basis of ideological cues. The confusion is greatest among older voters – those already set in their habits of voting, but only the very oldest cohorts (containing voters over 60 years old) are significantly debilitated.  相似文献   
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