“Journalism ideology” and its influence on the producers of Radio Sonder Grense radio current affairs

In the same way that people can have a political or a personal ideology, their professional identities and how they practise a craft or an occupation may be influenced by what can be labelled as a “professional ideology”. Through conducting interviews with the producers of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) Afrikaans radio programmes Monitor, Spektrum and Naweek-Aktueel, this article reports on research which showed that there is indeed such a thing as a “journalism ideology”. The interviews focused on how “internal influences” – such as a journalist's background and training, newsroom routines – and “external influences” – such as the audience – influenced the decisions they made in choosing news stories and producing content. This “journalism ideology” influences the producers and in turn the news content of these current affairs programmes that are listened to daily by almost two million listeners. The conclusion drawn from the study is that, although the participants’ “journalism ideology” largely determines the news stories for their programmes, structural forces, newsroom routines and organisational constraints often dictate their actions. Finally, although all the participants saw themselves as “watchdogs of democracy”, internal pressures within the SABC could endanger that role.     

An empirical test of presidentialism's effect on party competition

This article argues that party competition in legislative elections is partly a function of presidential elections. Previous research on spatial competition has assumed that parties are competing in parliamentary regimes, where the only election of concern for parties and voters is the legislative election. However, in presidential regimes, presidential elections lead to relatively centrist positioning of candidates, and coattail effects from the presidential elections help shape the legislative elections. Using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project, I show that the major parties of the left and right in legislative elections are ideologically closer to each other in presidential regimes than major parties in parliamentary regimes.     

Ideological change and the economics of voting behavior in the US, 1920–2008

This paper tests the proposition that voters advance a more liberal agenda in prosperous times and turn more conservative in dire economic times. A reference-dependent utility model suggests that, with income growth, the relative demand for public goods increases and the median voter is more likely to vote Democrat. With slowing income growth, the median voter derives increased marginal utility from personal income—making taxation more painful—and is more likely to vote Republican. Ordinary and instrumented analyses of a new time series for the US median voter are encouraging of this income growth model. This work links voting behavior to economic business cycles and shows that ideological change is endogenous to income growth rates.     

“生态问题意识形态化”批判

“生态问题意识形态化”是由“生态主义意识形态化”发展而来的,是“后意识形态”时代生态问题工具化、生态问题解释权精英化、生态问题与新自由主义意识形态联系紧密化的反映,是“绿党政治”发展后期右翼支持者与环保主义者巨大对立造成的生态问题孤岛的体现,是气候问题在当前争议愈演愈烈的映照,是对当前生态问题更深层次的探讨。我国在面对当前“生态问题意识形态化”倾向时,更应该坚守生态文明建设理念,走出符合中国特色的生态文明建设之路。     

目标·体系·能力:网络意识形态治理效能的要素分析

网络意识形态治理效能指政党、政府、社会和网民等在治理目标的指引下,运用多种治理手段对网络意识形态问题实现有效的治理,是治理目的和治理手段的统一、治理过程和治理结果的综合。其中,治理目标、治理体系和治理能力构成了网络意识形态治理效能的核心要素,是分析网络意识形态治理效能的重要维度。治理目标是治理行为的方向指引,治理体系是治理能力的前提和保障,治理能力是治理体系的落实和显化。     

Do political budget cycles work? A micro-level investigation of pre-electoral budgeting and its electoral consequences

One of the most puzzling empirical patterns in political economy is the disconnect between the regular use of fiscal instruments for re-election purposes by incumbents (otherwise known as political budget cycles) on the one hand and their relative electoral ineffectiveness on the other. This article engages with this puzzle by shifting the analysis from the macro to the micro-level. It shows that when taking into account individual-level heterogeneity in the electoral response, one can gain a more nuanced understanding of the political consequences of pre-electoral budgeting. By relying on a set of multi-level random-effects regressions using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral System surveys, it points to two such sources of heterogeneity: social status and ideology. In particular, higher status individuals are considerably less responsive to pre-electoral deficits, though the effects depend on the composition of fiscal measures. Results for ideology are somewhat less consistent across different operationalizations of ideology as well as model specification.     

Left–right ideology as an inferential device in multiparty systems: Can citizens overcome low information by imputing parties' policy positions?

This study examines the extent to which knowledge about parties' ideological Left–Right positions can be used schematically by voters to impute these parties' stances on specific policy issues. Can Left–Right familiarity help citizens, whose knowledge of political and societal issues is often limited, to overcome the low information problem? Based on two Swedish panel studies, we show that - in contrast to the American two-party context – the least knowledgeable voters benefit most from using inferences based on parties' Left–Right locations. The effectiveness of schema-based deduction is thus dependent on its place within a given political culture. In the Swedish multiparty context, the Left–Right dimension is meaningful for most voters, and can be used schematically to partly alleviate a lack of knowledge.     

浅谈思想文化如何融入生产经营

思想文化工作是国有企业独特的政治优势,也是国有企业核心竞争力的重要组成部分。能否克服思想文化与生产经营"两张皮"的现象,较好地解决"融入"问题,是思想政治工作者经常遇到和需要认真研究的问题。思想文化工作要更好地融入基层、进入生产,就必须在想融入、能融入、会融入、巧融入上下功夫。只有发挥党群工作的优势,才能提高思想文化对生产经营的贡献度,也才能实现思想文化工作与生产经营的双赢。     

Science,enterprise and profit: ideology in the knowledge-driven economy

Key policy documents relating to the 'knowledge-driven economy' show that policy makers, university heads and other interested academics have come to view the task of creating science-based industries through the lens of enterprise ideology.Proceeding on the assumption that the scientific fundamentals are already in place, the belief is that industrial applications can be achieved by infusions of enterprise. Such a framing is attractive to those unwilling or unable to engage with the complexities of scientific research or new product development. It offers a surface intelligibility combined with an apparent amenability to straightforward policy interventions. At the same time it is quite unclear, apart from the taking of risks, what attributes and behaviours are actually involved in enterprise. Even the relevance of risk is questionable. Despite the ideological pressure to demonstrate a link between entrepreneurship and risk, none of the relevant research has succeeded in doing so. Nor has risk been a prevalent feature of new venture creation in general and science-based start-ups in particular. The policy is an act of faith, based neither on research nor on experience. Its reliance on enterprise is less a solution than a hope that one will spontaneously appear.     

西方马克思主义的意识形态理论

从西方马克思主义意识形态理论与马克思意识形态理论之间关系的角度 ,我们可以把西方马克思主义的意识形态理论概括为四个方面的基本内容 :弘扬意识形态的“批判精神” ;拓展意识形态的批判领域 ;追问意识形态的本体存在以及求索意识形态的超越之径