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121.
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目的研究司法精神病学鉴定后各方对结论及处理的看法及社会影响等随访因素。方法作者通过通信函调、电话随访和登门拜访等三种方法,用自编调查表对208例鉴定案例分别向委托机关、被鉴定人本人或家属、受害人本人或家属进行随访。结果被鉴定人受教育年限平均为4.84年,以30岁左右已婚男性农民居多。暴力犯罪(129例占83.77%)远较非暴力犯罪(25例占16.23%)为多,前者又尤以杀人(44例占28.57%)为最常见。本资料再鉴定率为2.93%。被鉴定人及其家属对34例无责任能力的处理意见认为恰当的占76.47%,对判为无罪释放的28例,认为处理恰当的占71.43%,认为不恰当的占10.7%。对就医者几乎全都满意,对判刑或关押的认为恰当与不恰当者各占43.18%。受害人目前现状为死亡7例,残废10例,恢复健康10例。被鉴定人及其家属的意见与司法机关认为案件引起的社会影响似乎无关。被司法机关无罪释放的41例(26.62%)被鉴定人中,再杀人2例(4.87%),放火2例(4.87%),盗窃2例(4.87%),回归社会后有破坏行为但尚未构成犯罪者3例(7.31%)。结论建议政府有关部门尽快建立违法犯罪精神病人的监管和医疗机构。 相似文献
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This paper combines two recent developments in just world research: the conception of belief in a just world (BJW) as a resource for coping and well-being in everyday life, and the distinction between two different facets of BJW, namely belief in immanent justice (BIJ) and belief in ultimate justice (BUJ). Moreover, these two aspects are adapted to the school context and educational psychology. Scales for measuring ultimate and immanent justice in schools were developed within a German pilot reform project with a sample of 1274 pupils. The two facets could be distinguished by means of factor analysis. The reliability of the two scales is satisfactory, and their validity is confirmed by their differential correlational patterns. Results show that not every form of BJW automatically functions as a coping resource. In fact, only BUJ is able to protect pupils' mental well-being, whereas immanent justice can actually jeopardize well-being. Similarly, BUJ is associated with the perception of solidarity and learning enjoyment in class, whereas BIJ is more closely associated with the experience of rivalry and competition in class. Finally, the socialization of the two justice beliefs is considered. The cross-sectional data provide some evidence to suggest that friendly and supportive parenting styles can promote BUJ, whereas strict parenting styles may further BIJ. More longitudinal research is needed to obtain further insights into these phenomena. 相似文献
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Political participation researchers have developed several evaluative techniques to assess the representativeness of political participation patterns. Yet, while the Internet has become a mainstream avenue for political participation in the United States, current assessments of online participation insufficiently apply these methods. To incorporate these methods we begin by drawing upon resource theory to inform two-stage ordered-logit models of online and offline political participation. Our results suggest that the factors predicting online participation often differ from the factors that predict offline participation. Even so, we find that those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds tend to disproportionately possess these distinct online determinants. Next, we use a wide spectrum of political opinion questions to determine whether online participators opinions reflect or distort those of the general population. Overall, we find that online participation tends to relate moderately with liberal preferences. However, because offline participation relates to political attitudes similarly, the Internet only marginally advantages the political voice of liberals. Finally, we discuss the implications of these results. 相似文献
127.
曹晓宝 《湖北警官学院学报》2005,(6)
2004年1月8日,武汉市洪山区朱女士的30万元现金在轿车后备箱被盗,洪山警方接警调查后盗案是否成立存在着两种相反意见,湖北警官学院对朱女士采用测谎仪测试得出盗案事实成立的结论。洪山警方迅速立案调查,又由湖北警官学院对嫌疑对象作测谎测试,作案人刘海军浮出水面,在铁证面前,刘海军交代作案经过,全案告破。心理测试在侦破此案中发挥了十分重要作用,其经验是多方面的,但同时也有教训,走过一些弯路。 相似文献
128.
付永吉 《北京青年政治学院学报》2007,16(2):44-51
互联网为现代社会提供了即时广泛交往、学习型社会支撑、现代人格开发、社情民意表达四大新平台;在网络日益普及的今天,思想政治工作领域发生了接受的主体性、手段的丰富性、时空的超越性、参与的社会性等重大变化;通过积极建构社会化工作平台,营造优良的网络虚拟社区文化,建立网络伦理导向机制,建设强有力的网络政工队伍,思想政治工作就可以把握时代新机遇,开拓工作新局面。 相似文献
129.
刘晔 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2007,(1):53-56
《国家赔偿法》开辟了国家救济的新途径,对国家行政机关违法行使权力设置了有效制约机制。本文对审判实践中涉及《国家赔偿法》的问题进行了探讨,并着重阐述了建立国家侵权精神损害赔偿制度的必要性、可行性,以及建立国家侵权精神损害赔偿制度的原则、范围及确认依据。 相似文献
130.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):62-76
Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups. 相似文献