全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1813篇 |
免费 | 46篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 163篇 |
工人农民 | 65篇 |
世界政治 | 211篇 |
外交国际关系 | 340篇 |
法律 | 464篇 |
中国共产党 | 17篇 |
中国政治 | 93篇 |
政治理论 | 234篇 |
综合类 | 272篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 4篇 |
2023年 | 41篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 17篇 |
2020年 | 74篇 |
2019年 | 67篇 |
2018年 | 97篇 |
2017年 | 116篇 |
2016年 | 98篇 |
2015年 | 65篇 |
2014年 | 100篇 |
2013年 | 332篇 |
2012年 | 135篇 |
2011年 | 73篇 |
2010年 | 64篇 |
2009年 | 101篇 |
2008年 | 67篇 |
2007年 | 78篇 |
2006年 | 75篇 |
2005年 | 64篇 |
2004年 | 73篇 |
2003年 | 41篇 |
2002年 | 28篇 |
2001年 | 18篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1859条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
221.
This paper makes an original contribution to human–animal studies through the application of social construction theory to an iconic species of Australian snake, the coastal taipan. Little research attention using this approach has been focused on reptiles, and this study addresses this gap in the literature. The taipan has achieved a high level of notoriety in Australia. This paper seeks to understand why and how this has occurred. Drawing on a range of data derived from analysis of newspaper articles, popular magazines and books, and the scientific literature, four dominant narratives are identified: the taipan as an object of science and natural history, as social problem, as object quest and as celebrity. The insights gained from this study support the contention that the meanings made of Australia's fauna are fluid, historically contextualised and socially constructed. In the specific case of the taipan, key individuals, including scientists, popular natural historians and snake men contributed greatly to the species’ construction, as did popular cultural forms such as newspapers and natural history books. 相似文献
222.
This article draws on data from one-to-one interviews with members and former members of the Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Defence Association, Red Hand Commando, Ulster Political Research Group, and the Progressive Unionist Party to explore the dynamic and fluid perceptions of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Sinn Féin among Ulster loyalists. The article will explore how attitudes and perceptions are influenced by the shifting political landscape in Northern Ireland as Ulster loyalists come to terms with the new realities created by the peace process, security normalization, decommissioning, and the rise in the threat of dissident republican violence. The article will also demonstrate that these perceptions are not purely antagonistic and based on the creation of negative, stereotypical “enemy images” fuelled by decades of conflict, but pragmatic, bound to societal and local events, and influenced by intragroup attitudes and divisions, in addition to the expected conflictual ingroup vs. outgroup relationships. Finally, the article will explore how loyalists employ republicanism and the transformation of the Provisional IRA in particular, as a mirror or benchmark to reflect on their own progress since 1994. 相似文献
223.
Federica Bicchi 《European Security》2016,25(4):461-477
ABSTRACTThis article shows how the existence of a community of European practitioners in the Jerusalem area gives substance to the European stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The often-stated European Union (EU) support for a two-state solution could appear meaningless in the absence of peace negotiations. However, European diplomats (i.e. diplomats of EU member states and EU officials) in the East Jerusalem–Ramallah area are committed to specific practices of political resistance to Israeli occupation and recognition of Palestinian institutions. These practices have led not only to a specific political geography of diplomacy, but also to a community of practice, composed of European diplomats and based on their daily experience of resisting occupation and bestowing recognition. It is this group of officials who represent and actively “do” Europe’s position and under occupation. 相似文献
224.
The positive role of the European Union (EU) in the democratization process in post-communist countries has been amply documented. The pre-accession conditionality was to a large extent the tool used to enhance adoption of norms, and implementation of policy. In this context, it is less clear what happens after countries join the EU and conditionality is no longer an option. This article seeks to provide an answer by analysing how the EU can influence democratic governance after accession of a new member state. In particular, it focuses on the reactions of EU actors in two institutional conflicts (the 2007 and 2012 presidential impeachment referendums) in Romania. The main findings indicate how EU leverage on domestic politics remains possible, though the effectiveness of involvement, monitoring and evaluation of respect for democratic principles depends on a complex interaction of international and domestic actors. 相似文献
225.
Olga Semukhina 《Police Practice and Research》2016,17(3):229-248
This study examines the high levels of public unwillingness to assist police in criminal investigations in Russia. Variables of public trust of police, fear of crime, victimization, and prior contact with police are used to explain this phenomenon. Also included in the study are variables of police fear and avoidance of police. The findings suggest that higher levels of distrust in, as well as fear and avoidance of police are strong predictors of citizens’ unwillingness to assist police in Russia. The paper discusses potential implications of these findings for the 2011 police reform in Russia. 相似文献
226.
Denghua Zhang 《圆桌》2017,106(2):197-206
AbstractForeign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image. 相似文献
227.
Mills Soko 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2017,24(2):137-157
ABSTRACTThe relationship between democratic South Africa and the European Union (EU) has been in existence for over 20 years, with its roots tracing back to anti-apartheid support measures. In its earlier form, it was anchored in the Reconstruction and Development Programme. Currently, it is guided by the National Development Plan of the National Planning Commission. This relationship has been tested over time, especially as a result of negotiations over the Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU. In the meantime, the euphoria that marked new South Africa's participation in the global system, with trade and development cooperation with the EU as one of the cornerstones, has waned considerably. The cancellation of several bilateral investment treaties with EU member states has further strained the relationship. While there are notable successes in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership, these may not be reflective of the actual strategic value of the partnership in the context of global shifts and the rising influence of emerging powers with which South Africa is integrating. 相似文献
228.
周立胜 《西南政法大学学报》2000,2(4):32-35
电视新闻隐性采访在发挥其强大的舆论监督功能的同时也带来了法律上的权利冲突,对这些权利冲突我们不仅应作一般性的价值理性意义的衡量,还应从社会经济效率出发作经济学意义上的量化利益均衡。 相似文献
229.
Self-reports on domestic violence inventories remain the basis of court and clinical decision-making and program outcome evaluations, but previous research questions their reliability and validity. Accurate prediction of underreporting would help practitioners and researchers adjust batterer and victim self-reports. We develop prediction equations of underreporting on the Conflict Tactics Scale, using a multi-site database of men admitted to batterer programs and their female partners (n = 840). First we use variables measured at program intake to predict female and male underreporting of male violence at program intake. Second, we use variables measured at program intake, as well as measures of program participation, to predict male-female disagreement (male underreporting) at 12-month follow-up. Several variables were predictive of underreporting, both at intake and follow-up, but overall prediction was marginally better than chance. The findings suggest that men and women underreport based on situational factors (such as relationship characteristics) and rational reasons, rather than based on personality traits or social desirability. However, the ability to predict underreporting is too weak for adjustment of self-reports by clinicians and program evaluators. 相似文献
230.
杨亚丽 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2004,(4):42-44
规范冲突时,选择适用规范不当易造成行政侵权。因此,选择适用规范要对规范的有效性进行审查鉴别,做出正确、合法的选择,以准确适用法律。 相似文献