组织借助与规范多重性——社会政策实施中的重要问题

社会政策的实施必须依赖于某种组织机构的设立.其中,既包括正式组织,也包括非正式组织.在政策实施过程中,临时性组织的设立及其所面临的多重性规范,以及正式组织与非正式组织之间的规范冲突对于政策执行效果有着广泛的影响.在面临多重组织规范的情况下,政策执行者有可能偏离中央决策而采取符合自身利益的机会主义行为.     

外观设计专利权的扩张与限缩—以外观设计专利权与其他知识产权的边界为视角

由于知识产权客体的非物质性,外观设计专利权易与其他知识产权发生竞合与冲突,尤其是与实用艺术作品的著作权、商业外观的商标权和基于《反不正当竞争法》保护的合法权益等。伴随着我国司法实践的进展,上述权利竞合与冲突的问题日益严重。同时,外观设计专利权与其他相关知识产权之间亦存在一定差别,需要在权利客体方面有所区分。借鉴美国、英国、德国和法国的法律经验,只有法国给予完全重叠的保护,其他国家均在外观设计专利权的权利客体方面与其他知识产权加以区分。我国应当进一步明晰外观设计专利权与其他知识产权之间的边界,将纯属著作权保护的作品排除在外观设计保护客体之外,例如服装设计、书籍封面设计、动画形象设计、建筑设计、小摆设;将纯属商标权保护的标识排除在外观设计保护客体范围之外,例如在实用功能或形状结构上没有新创造的商品包装盒(包装袋、包装瓶)、店面装饰装潢;对实用功能或形状结构有新创造的设计,可选择获得外观设计专利权或者其他知识产权保护,否则不能获得外观设计专利权保护。     

冲突和调适的界碑--湘西南长城之历史文化定位

湘西南长城是改主归流后民族矛盾再次加剧后,在平息民族冲突中,重新调适地区社会秩序的产物.明清政府修建南长城是为了从军事上长期有效地控制湘西地区的社会秩序.南长城保障了民族的有序交往,巩固了改土归流的成果,促进了湘西少数民族地区政治、经济、文化的发展.同时在巩固中华民族的统一和发展过程中发挥了它应有的历史作用.     

武装冲突法与相关概念辨析

目前,在我国军事法学界对于战争和武装冲突法律制度有国际战争法、武装冲突法、国际人道法和国际人权法等称谓。笔者认为武装冲突法继承了国际战争法的大部分内容,是后者的现代表述。而国际人道法是武装冲突法中关于人道主义保护的内容,为其所包含。国际人权法与武装冲突法中的人道主义保护内容有着明显的区别,但在同一种精神和价值下呈现出相互交融的趋势。因此,笔者认为用武装冲突法表述上述法律体系最为恰当。     

美国对华战略规锁下的贸易冲突博弈路径选择

特朗普执政后,美国对华战略逐步由“接触”转向“规锁”,中美经贸关系也因此发展到了摩擦频现甚至是冲突对抗的新阶段。美国对华战略规锁本质上是要遏制中国在科技进步和国家实力等方面的崛起,以维护其霸权地位。贸易冲突作为美国对华战略规锁最直接的手段之一,在一定程度上反映了其国内利益集团与党派之间的斗争。特朗普政府为了获得国内政治支持,推出了严重扭曲的对华贸易政策。文章从美国对华战略规锁的视角,运用多重博弈论方法对中美贸易冲突进行了路径选择分析并认为,囚徒困境中“以牙还牙”策略下的博弈双方均实施损人损己的策略,无论采取“以牙还牙”、冷酷触发还是无限拖延,博弈双方的最优策略都是通过贸易谈判实现继续合作;双方只有通过有效谈判,逐步取消加征的贸易壁垒,才能达成协议并获得最大收益。基于博弈结果的情景分析与中美第一阶段经贸协议内容,文章为破解中美贸易冲突困境以及未来防范提供了战略参考和政策启示。     

Playing with Information: The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in the Russian Press

This article examines how the modern Russian press covers the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, both historically and currently. Since print media are some of the most popular sources of information in Russia, such analysis helps us understand the media's priorities in presenting the conflict to Russian society. The article focuses on the inherently manipulative, albeit hidden, essence and layout of this material, which increases the likelihood of information bias. While the quality of the reporting on this conflict demonstrates the proximity of contemporary Russian media to the interests of the country's ruling powers, it also provides opportunities for the government to influence its audience's comprehension of Middle East politics.     

Holy Trinities,Rivalry Termination,and Conflict

In this article we attempt to correct a number of gaps in the current literature on strategic rivalry. First, we argue that liberal and realist theories of conflict and cooperation have been generally ignored by scholars engaged in rivalry research. Secondly, we argue that current rivalry research fails to disentangle termination processes from conflict within rivalries, mainly due to problems with common operationalizations of rivalry. To bridge these gaps, we test the effects of liberal variables-manifested in the Kantian tripod (democracy, interdependence, and IGO membership)-and what we more loosely term the realist tripod (bipolarity, shared threat, and capability balance) on both rivalry termination and the probability that rivals will engage in a militarized conflict. We conduct this test utilizing a new data set of strategic rivalries compiled by Thompson (1999, 2001) which corrects the tautological operationalization of rivalry commonly used in rivalry research when conflict is the dependent variable. Overall, our results paint a variegated picture, underscoring the importance of rivalry as a special class of dyadic relationship. While realist variables better explain rivalry termination, the direction is opposite that predicted by some realist hypotheses; among liberal variables, only democracy is a robust predictor of both termination and conflict.     

Empowering Students to Create and Claim Value through the Thomas–Kilmann Conflict Mode Instrument

In a world of problem‐solving lawyering, principled negotiation, and integrative bargaining, to describe a negotiation as “distributional” may strike some as heretical. Still, we disserve our students if we ignore distributional bargaining altogether. Unfortunately, many law students who are drawn to negotiation classes bring with them a fundamental discomfort with claiming value. Contrary to the stereotypes that attribute aggression and “sharp practices” to lawyers, many law students struggle to become more assertive. The Thomas–Kilmann Conflict Mode Instrument (TKI) is one tool that I have found can help raise students' awareness of, and comfort with, the reflexive responses to conflict that can impede their attempts to claim as well as create value in negotiation. The insights students gain from taking the TKI can be quickly put to use in the next negotiation role play. Although it may help students realize their dominant response to conflict, the TKI highlights that no single approach to negotiation is always best. Thus, the TKI can both encourage the reticent to claim more value in negotiation and suppress the seemingly insatiable appetites for value claiming that drive other students. When administering the TKI, I encourage students to learn at least four major lessons:

• 1 A negotiator has a choice in resolving the dilemma between value claiming and value creating. We are not just stuck with our reflexes.
• 2 Still, it is good to know what our reflexive response to conflict is likely to be so that we are more mindful of the choices as we make them.
• 3 Departing from reflexes requires energy: preparation, planning, mindfulness, and conscious effort.
• 4 Adaptability is desirable. A well‐integrated negotiator might move from one TKI “type” to another as a negotiation progresses.

In this article, I seek to give a very brief overview of the ways I have used the TKI to convey these lessons, increasing students' comfort with, and management of, value claiming. To this end, the article will describe the TKI, explain how I administer and debrief the students' encounter with it, and point out some potential pitfalls of this process.     

韩国国会政治中诱发肢体冲突现象的因素初探

肢体冲突是议会内处于劣势的少数党为表达抗议、进行自我防御的一种议事途径和手段。其最终目的是要通过议事妨害、拖延,达到阻止争议法案顺利通过的目的。研究表明,多数党的＂规则强权＂与少数党的＂自我保护、自我救济＂之间的对抗是引发肢体冲突的根本原因;而少数党以肢体冲突作为首选斗争方式,则根源于韩国国会制度中威权主义权力的运行惯例,以及议事规则中缺乏对少数党权利保障而形成的多数党与少数党严重的政治不平衡局面;从深层结构看,肢体冲突还与国会内部、政党内部的社会资本状况不足有着内在的联系。     

我国反垄断法域外管辖制度初探

反垄断法域外管辖是对国外发生但是对国内市场产生限制、排除竞争影响的垄断行为适用国内反垄断法的制度。反垄断法域外管辖主要集中在国际卡特尔以及跨国并购领域,其本质是要通过反垄断法的域外管辖来规制跨越国界的垄断行为,维护国内市场的竞争秩序以及国家利益。反垄断法在实施域外管辖过程中会引起法律适用冲突。为了避免这种冲突,主要国家达成了反垄断双边合作模式。我国应该与相关国家签署反垄断双边合作协议,采取适合我国国情以及经济发展水平的反垄断法域外管辖制度。