美国新政权与六方会谈前景探析

美国大选,执政八年的共和党政府结束了其历史使命,民主党奥巴马新政府建立.根据其上台前后的言行来看,美国奥巴马新政权的基本政策主要在于重振经济、结束伊战以及坚持反恐.在外交政策上,美国新政权将改变其前任布什政府初期的单边主义武力政策,更多地采取多边或双边的协调与合作政策.在朝鲜核问题以及六方会谈机制方面,虽然美国和朝鲜同为当事国,以及中国在其中也发挥了非常重要的作用,但是美国仍然握有相当的主动权.美国新政权的基本政策同样会延续布什政府后期利用六方会谈框架与朝鲜接触和谈判的政策,甚至会采取一些更积极的政策,因为奥巴马政权要解决其面临的内外难题,需要其盟国的协助,也需要中国等国家的协助,对朝鲜这样的国家也希望能够在国际压力下促使其和平地放弃核开发.当然,半岛无核化及防止核扩散仍然是美国的根本利益,要求朝鲜放弃核开发的目标不会有丝毫的改变,甚至从原则上来说美国新政权仍然没有承诺放弃使用武力.此外,美国新政权或者还仍然存在同中国和朝鲜之间在意识形态上的对立,但是,除非发生预料不到的突发事件,美国在朝核问题上使用武力的可能性极小,在意识形态上的某些不同也不会影响奥巴马政权务实灵活的现实主义政策.总之,美国新政权的基本政策有利于朝核问题的缓和,同样也有利于六方会谈持续发挥作用.虽然美国新政权有可能同朝鲜之间有更多的双边直接接触和谈判,但是不可能脱离六方会谈的框架,即或者两国的双边谈判在六方会谈框架范围内加以实现,或者彼此都需要六方会谈框架作为自己外交回旋的余地.作为美国新政权,虽然为了能够使朝核问题有所突破而有可能更加重视双边谈判,但考虑到同中俄的战略性关系以及同其盟国日韩的伙伴关系,也不可能弃六方会谈框架而不顾.     

Security sector reform and the challenge of vertical integration

The poor performance of conventional security sector reform (SSR) programming, especially in fragile and conflict-affected states, has led to growing calls for the development of a new generation of reform strategies capable of transcending the state-centrism of earlier approaches and delivering sustainable security dividends to insecure populations. This paper reflects on the challenges of second-generation SSR, with a particular emphasis on the imperatives of reconciling different understandings of ownership, of rendering SSR processes more inclusive, and of acknowledging the realities of non-state security provision. The paper suggests that at its core, SSR is about strengthening state-society relations, and that second-generation SSR will ultimately be judged on how effectively it comes to terms with the argument that genuine and sustainable change can only emerge through an endogenous process of relationship transformation, in which insiders, not outsiders, are the primary agents of change.     

国有企业高管产权激励的法律规制

国有企业治理问题一直是国有企业改革中的重心问题,而国有企业治理的关键则取决于国有企业高管的约束与激励。为应对市场压力,以往对国企高管的约束已逐渐淡化。为避免其道德风险,必须加强对其的激励。传统激励机制的弊端严重阻碍了高管经营效率的提高,为此必须拓展产权激励模式,并对其加以法律规范。     

股权转让优先权的适用及其限制

有限责任公司的特征引发了所有权和股权优先权的博弈,不能纵容所有权的恣意,也不能夸大股权优先权的无限制适用。股权优先权依托公司章程、诚实信用原则、私法公法化等制度和理念而存在。股权优先权的适用范围和所受到的限制也必然要依照上述理念的指引而得到正确确认。     

马克思历史哲学的当代意义(上)

随着中国走向市场经济,没有任何问题能比马克思主义的历史命运更能引起人们的关注。本文结合《资本论》三大手稿.以与传统哲学教科书不同的方式,围绕以下十二个问题,展示马克思历史哲学的当代意义:关于市场经济的历史地位;商品经济的两大历史阶段;商品经济的重要历史作用;货币的历史地位;资本的文明面;关于交往方式;关于资本的有限性;关于竞争;关于社会主义所有制;关于重建个体所有制;关于共产主义的历史前提;关于历史唯物主义。我的结论是,马克思是研究市场经济的第一人,他的无穷的思想遗产依然是我们改革开放的指路明灯,马克思在当代依然是不可超越的。     

农村宅基地“三权分置”制度

2018年《中共中央国务院关于实施乡村振兴战略意见》明确提出农村宅基地要实行所有权、资格权、使用权“三权分置”政策。为了更好地保障农民的生存权和财产权,维护农民的合法权益,需要尽快创设宅基地“三权分置”制度体系。在“三权分置”制度中,农村集体经济组织是农村宅基地所有权的主体,农村集体经济组织成员是宅基地资格权的主体,但新的宅基地使用权主体不应仅仅限于本村的集体经济组织成员,在新的制度体系下,使用权的主体范围应当不断扩大。本文从我国“三权分置”的历史演变出发,分析了“三权分置”的基本要义及三权之间的关系,并提出了推进农村宅基地“三权分置”制度改革的相关建议。     

How party‒issue linkages vary between election manifestos and media debates

Abstract

Existing research on party behaviour has largely focused on the drivers of issue salience in direct party communication. However, less is known about party?issue linkages in election campaigns covered by the mass media, from which most voters get their information about party positions. Against this background, this article explores how two important drivers of issue salience in direct party communication – issue ownership and systemic salience – play out in the media. Based on considerations about the news value of specific party?issue associations, one would expect both relationships to be particularly important in the media. Despite substantial similarities in party?issue linkages across platforms, a comparison of manifestos and newspaper content reveals evidence for this claim. In particular, smaller parties are hardly covered in the news on issues they do not own, while large parties are especially covered on salient topics. These findings contribute to our understanding of issue competition in mediated environments.     

The more the better? Cumulative issue ownership and intra-campaign party switching

We contribute to the literature on short term changes in voters' party preferences (or intra-campaign party switching), by advancing a factor that has been neglected so far: Voters' perceptions about parties' issue competence. We develop a model of party switching that includes both classic predictors and issue ownership considerations. Moreover, in contrast to the usual single issue ownership conception focusing on the party deemed most competent to solve the most important problem, we argue that voters base their party choice on their perceptions of parties' competence on a variety of issues, i.e. on cumulative issue ownership. We test our model on panel data from the 2015 Swiss election study. The change in competence perceptions appears as a strong predictor of party switching: The higher the increase in the number of issues on which voters see a party as most competent during the campaign, the higher their likelihood to switch to that party.     

Is the SEC a learning regulator? Lessons from proxy access

Analysis of the US Securities and Exchange Commission's (SEC) treatment of the concept of ownership in the federal proxy rules, between 1934 and 2010, suggests SEC systems and procedures may not employ optimal organizational learning. Addressing this, I develop the Learning Regulator Framework, a normative model facilitating organizational learning and allowing regulatory agencies to maintain awareness of, and adaptation to, socio‐economic realities in regulated environments, thereby promoting reflective, responsive, relevant, and efficient regulatory frameworks. The relevance of the model to other institutional settings is also considered.     

工会在员工持股参与中的地位和作用探析

党的十八届三中全会以来,员工持股制度在混合所有制企业中得到新的发展。如何在员工持股参与中发挥作用成为工会面临的新问题。虽然员工持股参与存在诸多问题,但是由于员工持股涉及其切身利益,工会应当以积极而审慎的态度,关注员工持股制度的发展,采取有效措施,切实维护持股员工的合法权益,推动员工持股参与在公司民主管理中发挥积极作用。