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561.
机动车保有量预测方法中最关键的要素是算法和影响因子。综述通过文献整理分类提炼,对回归算法、人工神经网络、支持向量机、聚类算法和基于实例的算法进行了阐述,分析各种算法的利弊。最后依据历史样本的多寡,通过总结提出以逻辑回归算法和支持向量机作为基础算法,结合其它算法的组合预测方法来解决机动车保有量预测这样的非线性、高维度的复杂问题。  相似文献   
562.
在有限责任公司股权转让中,将股权的财产权和人身权捆绑的研究模式,会在很多具体问题的解决方面留有理论遗漏。将财产权与人身权分离,不仅可以更好地实现对公司人合性的保护,而且对构建股权变动理论,解决股权强制转让、股权继承以及股权赠与等特殊问题上形成较为完整的理论支撑。  相似文献   
563.
习近平总书记在2016年"两会"期间,在上海代表团发表重要讲话,强调要想办法调动一线工人、制造业工人、农民工的积极性,这也是社会主义的本质要求。工人阶级是主人翁,主人翁的地位要体现出来。在全面建成小康社会决胜阶段,要积极探索和建立落实职工主人翁地位,进一步实现职工群众当家作主,充分调动和发挥其积极性、创造性的有效机制、措施和办法,在全面建成小康社会实践中,攻坚克难,实现中华民族的伟大复兴。  相似文献   
564.
巩固 《法学研究》2015,(2):115-136
从宪法与民法之别、权利与权力之别以及宪法第9条的完整表述来看,资源国家所有权的公权性确定无疑.作为国家对于公共资源的一种“公权性支配”,资源国家所有权的实质是对资源利用的“积极干预”权,内容在于保障自然资源的合理利用,通过立法、行政和司法加以行使,并为这三种权力施加规范与限制.在实践层面,资源国家所有权只有衍生出以资源实际利用者为主体、以对资源物的合理利用为内容的私权性的“资源利用权”,才能真正形成资源利用秩序.日常生活中在民法层面使用的“国家所有权”的本质是“公共法人所有权”,其并非严谨的法律概念,其成立须一系列条件支撑,范围较窄,其与“宪法国家所有权”的区别是划分“国有私物”与“国有公物”的前提.资源国家所有权来源于主权但不等于主权,其为资源主权的积极行使创设权力载体和概念装置,具有重要意义.  相似文献   
565.
This article challenges the tendency to understand local ownership of statebuilding processes chiefly as a product of how international donors plan and implement reforms rather than of how such efforts are appropriated by local actors. Local ownership is typically described as a quality which is ‘supported’, ‘fostered’, ‘granted’ or ‘stifled’ by foreigners rather than something which is simply taken by the hosts of such interventions. Drawing on the case of British-led police reform in Sierra Leone, the article argues that local authorities exercised ownership by actively drawing their former colonizer into the security sector, thus deepening and prolonging the intervention. This contradicts two common assumptions about local ownership: (i) it is aimed at reducing international influence and (ii) it will be scarcer and more difficult to achieve the weaker the host state. Rather than to control how the police reform was designed and implemented, the principal function of local ownership was to secure a powerful ally in the ongoing civil war and to achieve an outward reorientation of national security.  相似文献   
566.
It is widely acknowledged that while local ownership is one of the core principles of successful Security Sector Reform (SSR) programmes, the concept is narrowly interpreted in terms of who owns what. Moreover, the focus of SSR is often on building state institutions, rather than building the relationship between people and the state, which further limits the extent to which people, particularly at the community level, are engaged in SSR processes. It is argued that without ensuring meaningful and inclusive local ownership of SSR programmes, public trust and confidence in state security and justice sector institutions will be limited. Crucially, this will leave the state vulnerable to renewed outbreaks of conflict. To rectify this it is proposed that a hybrid SSR approach be promoted by incorporating community safety structures into SSR programmes.  相似文献   
567.
孙宪忠 《法律科学》2013,31(3):56-65
“统一唯一国家所有权”理论存在严重问题:其理论上悖谬困窘,无法自圆其说,实践中导致国有资产保护极度乏力.从概念和逻辑上来说,无论是在国际法还是在内国法上,“国家”与“全民”均不能等同,因而,国家所有权与全民所有权不可能同义,抽象的“国家”无法成为民法上具体“物”的所有权主体.基于实践视角观察,在所谓的”统一唯一国家所有权“内还存在诸多利益冲突,如分税制体现出的中央政府与地方政府的利益划分、各地方政府之间的利益纠葛,以及“央企”与地方国企的利益争夺等,这表明”统一唯一的国家所有权“事实上并不存在.自民法理论而言,现行国家所有权制度严重违背民法科学原理,其主体、客体、权利、义务及责任等民事法律关系五个基本要素均不明确和确定.因此,应尽速废止“童话式的统一唯一国家所有权”理论,代之以符合民法科学原理的公法法人所有权理论.  相似文献   
568.
关于水权争论问题的意见   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
水权不包含水所有权、水合同债权,它们分别为独立的权利。只有行政权而无水资源所有权创设不出水权。水权的初始配置在我国不宜采用拍卖的方式,水权的主体多样化,须具体分析。  相似文献   
569.
ABSTRACT

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) not only ended Africa's longest civil war, it aimed to transform Sudanese society. A critical element of this transformation is uplifting the status of women. This article surveys the conditions faced by women in two villages in Nuba Mountains/Southern Kordofan, principally their ability to access land for farming, credit facilities and barriers to education and health services, and whether the implementation of the CPA has resulted in any concrete changes.  相似文献   
570.
This article examines the way in which the news media frame public policy issues and the extent to which other political players (e.g., interest groups, politicians) influence this issue framing process. Our analysis focuses on the issue of gun control, comparing the rhetoric generated by interest groups and public officials on the Brady Bill and Assault Weapons Ban with actual network news coverage of this legislation from 1988 to 1996. Results indicate that both sets of political players employed several interpretative issue frames and worked hard to put their preferred themes on the agenda. However, at times, the media intervened in the framing process, especially as the debate matured. Specifically, the news media (a) structured the overall tone of the gun control debate, (b) adopted a distribution of framing perspectives different from that of politicians and interest groups, and (c) packaged policy discourse more often than not in terms of the "culture of violence" theme. These findings point toward previously ignored media effects and attest to the potential role the media play in shaping public policy debates.  相似文献   
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