中国南海断续线:产生的背景及其效用

中国南海断续线是在1933年法国占领南沙九小岛、二战后法同继续占领西沙群岛,以及菲律宾企图把南沙群岛并入其国防范围内的背景下产生的,其目的是,向世界公布中国在南海的管辖范围,维护中国在南海的领土主权.在1951年<旧金山对日和约>草案中,美英故意不提西沙群岛和南沙群岛的主权归还问题,为以后的南海领土争端埋下了祸根.在这种情况下,南海断续线起到了一定的效用,它不仅反映_r南海诸岛是在中国领土范围内的历史事实,而且是对<旧金山对日和约>领土处理的否定.     

服务型政府建设中必须高度重视法律问题

在依法治国成为国家治理基本方略背景下所建设的服务型政府,必然是法治政府,服务型政府与法律问题密不可分,如影随形,服务型政府建设中必须高度重视法律问题,加大法治建设力度。     

The Relationship Between State Government Performance and State Quality of Life

Abstract

This article examines the relationship between government performance and quality of life in the American states. We contend that the management capacity of state governments should have direct, tangible impacts on the overall social and economic well‐being of state citizenry. In order to test this idea, we examine the influence of state management capacity (using the 1999 Government Performance Project grades), alongside other economic and political variables, on two prominent measures of state quality of life—The Morgan Quitno “Most Livable State” Index and State Policy Reports' (SPP) “Camelot Index.” We find that both state economic conditions and governmental policy priorities have significant impacts on state performance levels. But, our results clearly indicate that the management capacity of state governments also contributes directly to improving the overall quality of life for state citizens.     

Estimating relative prevalence of competing issue voting rules in multiparty elections using finite mixture modeling

How do citizens of democratic polities translate their policy preferences into voting choices? Proximity and directional theories of issue voting offer different answers to this question that have strong implications for parties’ strategies. Controlled scenarios in imaginary two-candidate contests have gained popularity as a method to estimate proportions of proximity and directional voters in the population. However, this method is not always applicable in comparative research where scholars often have to study multiparty elections with observational data. In the present paper, I demonstrate how relative prevalence of different issue voting rules can be estimated using finite mixture modeling. Using both a paradigmatic and a recent case, I demonstrate that the mixture model predicts observed voting choices better than the alternatives. I also show how finite mixture modeling can be used to study individual-level characteristics of proximity and directional voters using education as an example.     

完善医疗纠纷处理机制的几点思考

在医疗纠纷逐年增加、医患矛盾已经成为不可忽视的一类社会矛盾的今天,我国目前不但存在着处理医疗纠纷的法律制度不健全,同时,现存法律制度还存在着不统一现象。为了保障医患双方的合法权益以及促进医学科学和人类健康事业的发展,我国应在明确医疗纠纷的处理原则的前提下,完善医疗纠纷的处理机制。     

湄公河流域诸国的艾滋病问题及其对我国边疆地区的影响

近年来,境外湄公河流域几个东南亚国家的艾滋病问题已经引起越来越多的人的关注,而且这个问题对我国西南边疆多民族地区,特别是同属一个“大湄公河次区域”的中国云南省的边疆少数民族地区的经济的发展和社会的稳定都造成了越来越大的负面影响。本文对境外湄公河流域诸国艾滋病问题的由来和发展及其对我国西南边疆多民族地区产生的影响及我国目前的一些对策进行了初步的分析和评介。     

利益多元抑或利益联盟——政策网络研究的核心辩解

政策网络的研究,缘起于"多元主义是否适用于现实中的美国政策过程"的质疑与追问,兴起了一场反多元主义与多元主义之间的争论与辩解,搅动了人们对于政策过程中利益多元还是利益联盟的本质探究,同时催生出诸如亚政府、铁三角、政策共同体、议题网络、倡导联盟等新术语.其中,亚政府、铁三角、政策共同体等术语,表明政府在与利益集团的利益联盟中实现对政策过程的操纵,公共政策只是一部分政府部门与利益集团狭隘利益的体现;而议题网络、倡导联盟等术语则表明公共政策并不只是政府与利益集团的互动结果,包括传媒、公众等在内的广泛主体都可以而且事实上也参与其中.在广泛阅读西方文献的基础上,疏理政策网络各种称谓和概念之间的前后传承关系,使充斥各种概念的政策网络研究清晰化和明朗化,同时运用利益分析的方法,揭示这些概念所隐含的内在意涵,理清政策网络研究的基本研究脉向,说明政策网络研究本质上是对"政策过程是利益多元还是利益联盟"这一问题的求解,表明政策网络研究旨在对政策过程作出最贴近现实的描述和理解.     

透视战后日本对华公共外交

二战后,日本对华政治、军事外交的开展受到国际社会和国际法的极大限制,公共外交就成为重塑其在中国的形象、重新赢得中国的理解与信任、促使中国奉行符合日本利益的温和政策的重要途径。通过人员与文化交流、经济与文化援助、外向型的文化教育、对华宣传以及动漫外交等手段,对华公共外交在政治、经济、文化等方面取得了很大成就。但受其独特政治文化及国内右倾化思潮的影响,加之受两国意识形态、价值观、发展战略等方面矛盾的掣肘,日本战后对华公共外交并没有达到预期的效果。     

Prevention,Crime Control or Cash? Public Preferences Towards Criminal Justice Spending Priorities

We propose and test a new methodology to assess the public’s criminal justice spending priorities. Respondents are asked to trade‐off alternative crime prevention and control policies as well as a potential tax rebate. In a nationally representative sample, we found overwhelming support for increased spending on youth prevention, drug treatment for nonviolent offenders, and police. However, the median respondent would not allocate any new money to building more prisons and would not request a tax rebate if the money were spent on youth prevention, drug treatment, or police. At the margin, we estimate the public would receive $3.07 in perceived value by spending $1.00 on youth prevention; $1.86 in value for every dollar spent on drug treatment; and $1.76 for a dollar spent on police. However, the public would not spend more on prisons, deriving only 71 cents in value for every tax dollar spent.