伪满洲国的日语教育

“满洲国”期间,日本为巩固其统治,大力推行对东北人民的奴化教育。奴化教育的重心就是强制推广日语教育。日伪当局通过建立“新学制”、强制开设日语课、增加日本人教师、编纂教科书、实施日语检定考试、开设日语学校等手段,对“满洲国”进行了长达十四年的殖民教育。     

Immigration in Brazil

Abstract

The 100-year period between 1872 and 1972 saw significant migration movements to Brazil, particularly of people from Portugal, Italy, Spain, and Germany. The early migrants from Europe were drawn to the vast expanses of land, where they established colonies. The 20th century attracted two large waves of Japanese immigrants, the first being agricultural workers and the second, after World War II, workers in urban industries. While some migration to Brazil of groups from other South American countries continues, migration in the latter part of the 20th century and into the 21st century has declined substantially. The country is faced, rather, with the emigration of large numbers of Brazilians to the United States, Japan, and Europe. Implications of the migration flows are discussed.     

Japanese women in grassroots politics: building a gender-equal society from the bottom up

Abstract

The 1979 UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women highlights the importance of equal participation of women in public life. Since the early 1960s, women in Japan have voted in elections at significantly higher rates than men. However, Japanese women's equal participation in policy formulation and decision making lags far behind major democracies. Gender equality is stated under the Japanese Constitution, but social practices are far from equal. There are no legal constraints on Japanese women's right to candidacy for public office, but they are far underrepresented in local and national elected assemblies. In 1999 an important landmark in the substantial progress towards gender equality took place when the Japanese government, for the first time, legally denounced the stereotyped division of roles on the basis of gender and described men and women as equal partners. An unprecedented amount of legislation, together with policy changes and organizational reform at the national level were introduced from this state-led initiation. In the same year, women's grassroots groups were rapidly moving beyond the reach of policy, organizational, and legal changes; they successfully conducted a major nationwide campaign for ‘More Women to Assemblies¡’ and increased the number of elected women representatives at the local level at an unprecedented rate. The purpose of this article is to assess the potential of increased women's political voices in Japan, which can be seen as an alternative way of solving the problems of political disengagement in the male-dominated representative democracy. To this end, the article examines the course of watershed events in 1999 towards a gender-equal society in Japan, with special emphasis on the importance of grassroots missions in eliminating barriers to Japanese women's political participation.     

A chance for a breakthrough in Russo-Japanese relations: will the logic of great power relations prevail?

Under Mori Yoshiro the Japanese government energetically pursued Russia's new leader, Vladimir Putin. Progress was achieved, as Putin recognized the 1956 treaty in which Moscow pledged to return two islands. From the summer of 2000, however, a backlash could be detected. The architects of the initiative not only failed to make their case to Japanese politicians, but also became the object of two years of attacks, leading to Suzuki Muneo's ouster from the LDP and arrest and to Togo Kazuhiko being fired as ambasador to The Netherlands. Under Koizumi Junichiro Japan lost interest, while the media feasted on the image of foreign policy being hijacked. Lost in the media frenzy and setback to relations was the case for why Tokyo and Moscow need each other as great power partners in the face of rising Chinese power and overwhelming US power. Since both parties sided with the US war against terror, the logic of cooperation has become clearer. A general outline for an interim agreement is well understood on both sides, but a breakthrough is unlikely soon.     

未名庐学记：卞崇道及其日本哲学思想研究管窥

卞崇道先生是中国日本哲学思想研究领域中“过渡时代的领军人物”,作为新的历史时期日本哲学思想史学科基础的坚定夯实者、高层次中日哲学思想研究学术交流事业的杰出组织者和胸怀全局并及时总结学科发展、关心青年一代成长的循循善诱的引领者,卞先生在当代中国日本哲学思想研究的学术发展进程中留下了浓墨重彩的一笔。     

Haplotype analysis of 17 Y-STR loci in a Japanese population

We analyzed 17 Y-STR loci (DYS19, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS385a/b, DYS438, DYS439, DYS456, DYS458 and DYS464a/b/c/d) in 252 Japanese males using three multiplex PCR typing systems. Two variants were found at DYS385a/b. A total of 244 different haplotypes were observed, of which 239 were found in single individuals. The haplotype diversity for the 17 loci was 0.996.     

政府在日本金融制度演化中的作用

作者认为,日本金融行政的思想滥觞于明治维新以来的近现代经济发展史,日本政府通过学习西方金融制度引导本国金融制度的变革方向,在制度实施过程中各种关系的博弈过程形成了日本金融制度演化的路径。这种依靠政府力量推动的金融制度演化方式是造成日本完成经济追赶后无法赶超的一个主要原因。     

日本政府对华出口管制政策评析

在中日经贸关系的交往过程中,作为"巴统"、"瓦森纳协定"的成员国,日本政府多年来一直对我国实施了出口管制政策。这一政策既阻碍了中国从日本进口相关产品尤其是新技术产品和设备的进口,也严重影响了与中国进行贸易交往的日本企业的积极性。在中日两国有关日方出口管制政策的交涉中,中方的交涉一直都很难取得成效。可以说,日本政府的出口管制政策至今仍然是中日经贸合作中的重要障碍。     

Diminishing Returns? Prime Minister Koizumi’s Visits to the Yasukuni Shrine in the Context of East Asian Nationalisms

The Yasukuni Shrine is a site of contested nationalist politics in Japan and in neighbouring countries. Within Japan the status of the Shrine exists in a tension between public and private and religious and secular meanings. These tensions are given a specific focus in the context of the visits to the Shrine by Japanese Prime Ministers. The history of such visits is discussed and analysed, with particular attention given to the causes and consequences of the visits by Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro between 2001 and 2006. It is argued that the controversies over the visits in Japan and elsewhere are best understood in the context of ‘revisionist nationalism’ in Japan. The reactions and nationalist problematics of the PRC and Taiwan with regard to the Yasukuni Shrine are then elaborated and analysed.

近代东亚三国西学成因及其比较

对东西文化关系问题上的不同立场而衍生出来的近代文化融合体,亦称近代东亚三国西学。其主流文化融合体在中国表现为“中体西用”;而在朝鲜与日本分别表现为“东道西器”和“和魂洋才”。近代三国西学形成,虽说在形式上存在着诸多相似之处,但因三国社会历史条件等诸多因素的差异,使得近代东亚三国西学又在内容上呈现出很多不同的特点。这主要体现在三国近代形成的文化融合体中的西学份量及其对传统的反思。